Foundering of the Teuton Wreck off Quoin Point

The RMS Teuton had sailed from Plymouth on August 6th, 1881 at 2pm and Madeira on August 10th, 1881 at 11pm.  She arrived in Cape Town on August 29th, 1881 at 6am. After leaving Table Bay on the evening of August 30th she struck an object off Quoin Point, between Danger Point and Cape Agulhas, on the south coast of South Africa at about 7:30 in the evening.

Over 200 lives lost

SIMON’S BAY, August 31, 9 o’clock p.m. Since the wreck of the Birkenhead, no such appalling loss of life by shipwreck as that of the Teuton has been known along the shores of South Africa. I have taken the utmost care to get at the truth, but no single narrative could yet be written which would be strictly accurate. I deem it best, therefore, to give you several stories as they were taken down from the lips of the survivors. The Quartermaster who was on the bridge with the captain declines to say anything until he is examined by the proper officials, but it is questionable if his evidence will throw any new light beyond the narratives unreservedly told by the others. The account given by Mr. Kromm is the most clear of any. He says that before they went down to dinner he was watching the coast, and thinking he had never been so close to it before. The Captain had a few minutes’ conversation with him, and strangely they talked of the wreck of the Waldenrian along that deceptive coast.

When the ship struck, the Captain only said, “Hallo!” and rushed on deck. Mr. Kromm’s story follows. How he escaped is one of those marvellous incidents which, until they occur, are deemed impossible. He could not swim a stroke; he was hampered with an overcoat, and yet he struggled and floated until he secured a bit of wreckage. His watch stopped at a quarter to eleven o’ clock, and from that fact he arrives at the exact moment when he jumped from off the poop of the ship into the water. The boatswain says that the boats hovered around the spot where the ship went down until daybreak. Mr. Kromm is quite clear that the boats commenced to move slowly – something like half an hour after, and he remarks there was nothing to remain for. The moonlight night enabled them to see around, and, with the exception of small wreckage, there was nothing floating about. The boatswain says he was on the forecastle half an hour before the ship struck, and he saw no land, and adds that perhaps he did not see it because it was not his duty to look out for it. He did not see land afterwards, because he had too much else to do.

The men are perhaps careful to be on their guard against carelessly saying something which may be misconstrued and cause trouble hereafter. Mr. Kromm is very clear and empathetic. His opinion is that the captain, confident in the fact that his ship having watertight compartments held on too long, and that when they gave way, it was too late to save the passengers. He points out that the ship had been settling down by her head from the time she struck, and if after the first hour the passengers had been placed in the boats they could have been towed until the necessity for the ship’s abandonment became evident. The order on board is said to have been admirable. There was not an order given which was not obeyed. Mr. Kromm bears out the boatswain, who says that a few minutes before the ship took her final plunge, there was no water in the engine-room. The captain is said only to have left the bridge when it gave way. I am not so certain that the bridge was carried away, for if it had been it would most probably have been floating with the wreckage.

It is certain the captain did not leave the bridge until the steamer was certainly foundering. He probably left it when the watertight compartments gave way, and the rush of water into the ship decided her fate. The Teuton had six compartments. The bow compartment is said to have been dry, and it is thought that the ship must have struck on the port side of the second compartment, and the noise after the striking was a ripping, tearing noise as if the plates were being torn asunder. The carpenter and the boatswain were both on board the ship when she went down, but I cannot find there is any truth in the story of the captain being seen in the water. There are of course some heartrending stories, and they are simply told – shorn of all elaboration – in what follows. That of Miss Ross is a very touching one, and perhaps all the more so because of the belief that her parents are not drowned. I must not trespass longer on the skill of the telegraph clerks who have so courteously assisted me tonight; and I must not forget on behalf of the survivors to thank the good people of Simon’s Town for all their hospitality and kindness, and …….yet a ward or two about poor Manning, – one of the most unassuming, most careful, and kindly skippers that ever trod a ship’s deck. How is it that such an unkind fate overtook him? And the gallant fellows who officered the ship and maintained that discipline and order for which the Union Company is famous – how is it that they were not instrumental in saving more life? Can we yet say that all hope of other survivors reaching land must be given up? If, however, no more than those who have landed at Simon’s Bay live to tell the story, I am much inclined to think that the foundering of the Teuton will remain for all time as one of the saddest and most strangely unaccounted for of the mysteries of the sea.

The Stories of the Survivors

SIMON’S TOWN, Wednesday evening, 9 P.M. – Mr. Kromm says : – “We left Table Bay with a light S.E. wind, shortly after 10 o’clock on Tuesday morning. Nothing occurred worthy of mentioning until we came off Quoin Point. The evening was beautifully fine. The moon was overhead; the stars were shining; and there was not the slightest sign of fog or vapour. We could make out the land line perfectly, and could see even the sandy shore, which did not appear to me to be more than a mile distant. Suddenly the ship struck without any warning whatever. I do not know who the officer was on watch. It was not the chief officer, for he was sitting with me at the table.

We were just finishing dinner, and were sipping coffee. The captain had the cup of coffee in his hand, and it was shaken out of his hold, so violent was the concussion. The whole table was swept of glass and dinner-ware, and fell on to the port side, which showed us that the ship had been struck on the port side. After striking she shivered, like an aspen leaf, and heeled over to port. There was some little confusion; the women shrieked, and there was a general rush on deck. The pumps were immediately sounded, and it was found that the fore-compartment was leaking. The order kept on deck was admirable, and officers and men vied in their efforts at soothing passengers.

The boats were slung out board, and they were all ready provisioned with biscuit and water within half an hour of the ship striking. The passengers were all ordered on the poop, and were told to sit quietly until they were ordered off to their respective boats. The doctor was in charge of the passengers on the poop. All this time the ship was settling down by the head gradually. Volunteers were called for from amongst the passengers for the pumps, and they assisted freely. After striking, the ship’s head was put round to the westward evidently with the hope of reaching Simon’s Bay. There was a little south-east wind with a little jobble of a sea on. It was between a quarter-past seven and half-past seven when the ship struck, and up till half-past ten the vessel kept on her way, and everything was orderly on board. At half-past ten the ship’s head was so down that her stern was out of water, and the screw was of little use. The Captain now gave orders for the starboard waist lifeboat to be lowered, and the women and children to be put in, which was done, the boat being lowered and the women and children handed into it. The ship was then hardly moving, for her propeller was out of water, and was no longer any use to her. The engines were stopped, and steam was gradually being blown off. The starboard quarter boat, which had already been lowered, was ordered alongside to receive passengers, and that was the first time I heard Captain Manning’s voice.

He said “Why don’t you hurry up and get the boat alongside”. He had no sooner the words out of his mouth when the ship gave a dip, and in less than a minute she appeared to make a somersault. I, seeing this, made a jump overboard at her port quarter. I could no swim, but I was fearful of being carried down by the suction, and I hoped to be picked up by the port quarter boat, which had been lowered some-while. I struggled about, and at last came across a teak-wood casing using for covering the iron bollards on the deck. I tried to get on to it, but it kept revolving, and it twice threw me away from it. I, at last, however, got a good grip of it in position and must, I should think, have held on to it from twenty minutes to half an hour. I then saw, at a short distance, one of the boats showing a light. My cries for help brought them to me in about five minutes, and I was taken into the carpenter’s boat. We succeeded in taking three men off a boat which was bottom up.

The other boat came alongside us and we divided passengers and ….. about, and picked up, I think, five people. We heard few cries. The bulk of passengers must have gone down in the ………. The bulk of the passengers were on the poop, when the ship went over, head down, the passengers must have been precipitated into water, and they must have gone down in suction. She went down like a streak of lightning. I would not have believed it possible that that vessel could have gone down so suddenly. There was a loud crashing of timber, an escape of steam, a wild rush of water, and the Teuton was out of sight. We only saw some wreckage float about. I fear – indeed, I am almost certain – that the boat with the women and children in it was fastened by a rope to the vessel or did not ……….. the vortex. The moonlight enabled us to see everything distinctly. We could not see anything of the boat with the women. We heard no cries, ………. after pulling around the spot for half-an-hour ………….. course of the two boats was made for Simon’s ……….., steering for the Cape of Good Hope. The boat crew pulled all night. The men were most orderly and well behaved, and did everything they could. Sail was got on the boat at daybreak. There was then a fresh breeze and an ugly jobble of ………. which compelled us to keep baling. We had double-reefed sail during the forenoon, but as the wind freshened another reef was taken in, and even then we found she had as much sail as ……….. could carry.

We got up to Cape Point, and were about five miles off from it at between, ……………… should say, eleven and twelve. We over…… ten or twelve miles in mistaking the entrance to Simon’s Bay, and but for this we should have been earlier in Simon’s Bay than we were. The carpenter’s boat, which was a better sailor than ours, and had made a direct run ………. the Bay, arrived there first. In fact, she ran out of our sight altogether. There were crowds of people on the wharf as we came up to it, and the greatest kindness was shown to us all. We had to be lifted out of the boats for we were so cramped with sitting and with cold that we could not move.

The boatswain states: “I had reported all the boats swung out to the chief officer, as usual, and we went below to get his dinner. I had hardly got to the forecastle when the ship struck. The pumps were sounded and set to work, but they could not keep the water down. All the boats were lowered and provisioned by 9 p.m., and everything ready to pass the passengers in which there was a sudden crash, and the ship immediately sank …. first. I was carried down by the ship, and ………….. rising caught hold of a spar, and was afterwards picked up by the carpenter’s boat. There was not the slightest confusion on board. The ship sunk most suddenly. I think the forward bulkhead must have given way. The last I saw of the captain was on the bridge, which, with the wheel-house, deck-house, and funnel, seemed to go at once. No one thought she would sink as fast as she did. We reached Simon’s Bay at about 2 p.m.”

Miss Ross says: – “I was in the cabin with my mother and father, getting the baby to sleep, when I heard a dull grating sound. Soon after that we were all called up to the deck, when the Doctor and Chief Officer told us there was no immediate danger, and that we were to be calm, as if the ship would sink the boat would save us. I and my mother and father were in the boat when I saw the ship sinking and we were capsized. I caught hold of a spar and afterwards of a barrel, and after floating a little was taken into the carpenter’s boat. A great number of spars were floating about, and I hope papa is saved – he was a powerful swimmer”.

The carpenter says the ship did not strike heavily, but appeared to have struck somewhere on the port side abaft her bow. For some time there was not a drop of water in the engine-room or ……….. compartments. At the time of sinking he was on the gangway platform, passing passengers to the boat which was capsized. The chief officer and supercargo were beside him. He heard the cry of the ship sinking, and before he could gain the deck he was carried below. He remembered no more until he found himself floating, and was pulled into a boat. He took command of the boat, and, with the boatswain’s boat, remained as near as he could judge on the scene until daybreak, but …… not see any trace of debris or hear any cries. At daybreak they saw high land, which they took for Cape Point, and steered in that direction. It turned out to be Hangklip…………

From our Special Correspondent.

From the Government Gazette August 1881

Maria Van Riebeeck

Born in Rotterdam on 28th October 1629 and died in Malacca on 2nd November 1664), wife of the first commander at the Cape of Good Hope and founder of the Cape settlement, was descended from an old Picardy family, the surname of which occurs as early as 1310. Bearers of the surname (with numerous variations of the spelling) occur from an early date in northern France and the southern Netherlands. Maria van Riebeeck was a daughter of the Rev. Abrahamus Quevellerius (who was born about 1589 in Dordrecht, studied in Leiden and used the Latin form of his name), and his wife, Maria (baptized Mariken) du Bois. Maria van Riebeecks’s grandparents were the Walloon clergyman, Chrétien de la Queillerie (1543-1631) and Maria Polle. In French and Dutch documents the surname occurs in numerous forms: for example, Cueilierie, De (la) Coeuillerie, De (la) Cueillerie, De (le or la) Quellerie, De (la) Cuvellerie, De la Caulerie, in addition to Quevellerius or Querellerius and other Latinized forms. It is worth knowing that, after an active career, Maria’s grandfather, Chrétien, enrolled, in his eighty-eighth year, as a theological student at Leiden.On 10th October 1619 Maria van Riebeeck’s father was called to the ministry of the Walloon and the Reformed churches. In her parental home she therefore spoke both French and Dutch. Her father died four months after she was born; her mother took the children to live in Leiden and moved to Schiedam only in October 1647. By that time the eldest son, Noë, was married; Abraham, the youngest son, later became rector of the gymnasium at Rotterdam.

On 3rd April 1648 Maria du Bois signed, in Rotterdam, a will in which she left her two unmarried children a legacy of 1 600 guilders each and gave Maria a further 1 000 guilders, together with her two best beds and pillows, bedspreads, sheets, and curtains.

On 7th August 1648 the former V.O.C. official, Johan Anthonisz Van Riebeeck, returned home after a period of service in the East, during which he had been dismissed for alleged private trading. He settled in Amsterdam. From Van Riebeeck’s will it appears that he was on good terms with his stepmother, Elsken Burgers, surviving second wife of his father (who had died in 1639 in Brazil). During a visit to his stepmother he met Maria de la Queillerie, a pretty medium-blonde girl, healthy, sweet-natured, even-tempered, quiet and persevering.

Johan van Riebeecq

In the register of proposed marriages in Schiedam there is an entry for 11th March 1649: ‘Johan van Riebeecq (sic) bachelor of Culemburch resident in Amsterdam and Maria La queillerije spinster Rotterdam residing here’. On 28th March the marriage was solemnized by the Rev. Theodorius Levius of Schiedam in the Grote or Sint Janskerk there. The couple married in community of property with the provision that, if there were no children, Maria would, if her husband predeceased her, receive 6 000 Carolus guilders. If Van Riebeeck were to survive her, he was to get 4 000 guilders from his wife’s estate.

The young married couple went to live in a house on the Eglantier canal, Amsterdam. It is described in their will as the house with the ‘Samaritan in the front gable’. At present it is assumed that this is no. 98 and that Van Riebeeck rented the house from a surgeon, Jan Dircksz Brummer, on 6th May 1650. Here the painter, Dirck Craey, probably painted the exceptionally fine portrait in oils of Maria van Riebeeck (the only contemporary one in existence). Here, too, her two eldest sons, Anthonij (who died at an early age) and Lambertus, were born before she left with her husband for the Cape in December 1651. She and Van Riebeeck had eight children. In 1660 she was forced to say good-bye to two of them, Lambertus and Abraham (born at the Cape), when they left in De Paerl in the care of the naval hero, Douwe Aukes. Placed in the care of her brother, they were to be educated in Rotterdam. She never saw them again.

For ten years Maria shared the fortunes of her husband, the commander, in the almost untouched Table Valley of the Cape. The records of the Council of Justice indicate that occasionally she interceded on behalf of offenders. It also appears that she endeared herself to everybody and that, on occasion, she herself assisted other wives at the birth of their children. But there was gossip about her; it was alleged, for example, that she followed the latest fashions.

From the deeds registry in Cape Town it appears that she lent money to free burghers at a rate of interest of three-quarter per cent per month. In October 1658, for example, Pieter Pauwels Cley borrowed 200 Carolus guilders from her; Caspar Brinkman, 200 guilders; Leendert Cornelisz (of Zevenhuysen), 300 guilders; Juriaen Kansz, Gerrit Hermansz and Thomas Christoffel, jointly, also 300 Carolus guilders. Brinkman repaid his debt on 4th September 1660, Leendert Cornelisz on 12th November 1658, and the other three on 1st February 1660. Jacob Cornelis van Rosendael also borrowed 100 Carolus guilders on 1st October 1658, while Steven Jansz Botma, of Wageningen, borrowed 520 Carolus guilders, which he repaid on 30th June 1659, and Wouter Cornelisz Mostert 250 Carolus guilders, which he returned on 14th March 1657 with the interest which had been determined in advance.

Besides educating her children, taking care of two half-nieces on her husband’s side, Sebastiana and Elisabeth van Opdorp, until they were married, and educating the little Hottentot girl, Eva, Maria van Riebeeck entertained visiting ship’s captains and officials, as well as strangers, at her table. One of the strangers who found their way to the Cape during these years was the French bishop, Nicolas Etienne, who, after the La Maréchale had run ashore in 1660, had to spend almost ten months at the settlement. In a letter that has been preserved, he describes the commander’s wife as ‘one of the most well-educated women I have ever seen, and she has endeared herself to all. I have never come across the slightest fickleness of temper on her part. In every situation and in everything she did she kept herself wonderfully under control, as could be seen even during religious discussions … She was in no way headstrong’.

That Maria van Riebeeck was respected and loved by the entire population in Malacca (to which she had gone with her husband and daughter in 1662) is made obvious by the tribute everyone paid her when she died of smallpox five days after her thirty-fifth birthday, and a week after the premature birth of a son who had lived for an hour. Sixteen bearers carried her body to the St Pauli Church on the mountain top. Officers and soldiers preceded the bier and more than a thousand representatives from neighbouring peoples brought up the rear of the funeral procession. The local Chinese, Portuguese, Moors and other inhabitants of Malacca paid their tribute, and members of the council of Malacca mourned for six weeks.

Van Riebeeck ordered her tombstone from Sadrapatnam. Her biographer (Mees, infra) points out that in the Latin inscription there are a number of mistakes such as the incorrect date of birth. Beneath the coat-of-arms appear the words:

“She to whom Rotterdam brightness, and Leyden goodness gave,
Whose wedding gladdened Schiedam, now lies in this grave”

They were the first two lines of an epitaph written by Van Riebeeck himself.

The gravestone was acquired for South Africa through J. de V. Roos, who visited Malacca on a journey to the East, and Dr Louis Péringuey, who conducted the relevant correspondence. It was brought to the S.A. Museum, Cape Town, in 1916 and was displayed beside that of Jan van Riebeeck until in 1966 both gravestones were built into the wall of the inner court of the S.A. Cultural History Museum in the old supreme court building, Cape Town.

A bronze statue of Maria completed in 1953 by the Dutch sculptor, Dirk Wolbers, and presented to South Africa by the government of the Netherlands during the tricentennial commemoration of the establishment of the Dutch settlement at the Cape, was unveiled in 1954 by Prince Bernard of the Netherlands in front of the S.A. National Art Gallery, and, in 1969, erected near the statue of Jan van Riebeeck in the Heerengracht.

The painting of Maria van Riebeeck, by Dirk Craey is in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam; of the numerous copies there are examples in Mees and Godée Molsbergen. There is also a portrait by an unknown artist in the Houses of Parliament, Cape Town.

Source: Standard Encyolopeadia of SA (SESA)

Mr. JAMES W. A. TYAMZASHE, elder son of Rev. Gwayi Tyamzashe, was born at Kimberley, 11th March, 1879. Attended the Dutch Reformed and Perseverance Schools at Kimberley and finally went to Lovedale in 1896 where he passed his Third Year Teacher’s and School Higher Examinations of the Cape of Good Hope University. He also read for the Matriculation Examination. Passed the Second Year Teachers’ Examination with honours in 1898. Taught at Lovedale, Mnggesha, Mafeking, Tigerkloof, Uitenhage and finally at the Pirie Mission Station, where, owing to failing health, he was granted a Government pension. Mr. Tyamzashe was an exceptionally good pianist and organist. Composed several songs and his notes on Tonic Solfa and Staff Notation were published in the Education Gazette, and were very highly commented upon by the then Superintendent-General of Education for the Cape. One of the Inspectors of Schools considered him the best of native teachers in school method and music. Prior to his death, which took place at the early age of 52, he was appointed messenger of the court for the district of Kingwilliamstown. By his death an accomplished scholar and musician was lost to the African nation. He married Mina Elizabeth, a daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Xholla, of Grahamstown, who survives him with eight children.

Robert Semple, the author of Walks and Sketches at the Cape of Good Hope, appears to have been an English merchant living in Cape Town during the first British Occupation.

I should be most grateful for any information about Semple’s career, especially during his stay at the Cape. The references to him which I have been able to trace are these:

A man of this name is among the signatories of a letter dated 5.1.1799 from “the Gentlemen of the Civil Department, together with the principal English Inhabitants” at the Cape, to Major General Dundas, volunteering their services in case of foreign attack. (Theal: Records of the Cape Colony, II, 334).
In unpublished Macartney manuscripts in the Gubbins Collection the name occurs in two documents. A “List of Englishmen at the Cape” (c. 1797) includes “Two Messrs. Semple Shopkeepers”. A “List of persons granted licenses to remain in the Colony” since May, 1797, mentions “Mr. Semple and his two sons to remain until further orders”.
Mendelssohn notices the two editions of Semple’s book on the Cape (1803, and 1805 enlarged), and says : “There is an account of the wreck of the Sceptre, which was taken, apparently, from the narrative of an eye-witness”. Although, referring to the account of a journey to Plettenberg Bay he writes that “The author makes special mention of the hospitality shown him”, he does not explicitly draw the con-clusion that Semple was himself an eye-witness of the wreck.

There is a brief but interesting notice of Robert Semple in the Dictionary of National Biography, according to which he was born in 1766 in Boston, Mass., of British parents, and travelled and traded extensively, “recording his impressions and adventures in short plain narratives which were favourably received. He was in Cape Colony in 1802, and made a stay of some duration, journeying inland a short distance”. After considerable European travel he became, in 1815, governor of the Hudson Bay Company’s factories and territories, through the influence of Lord Selkirk, who was attempting to form colonies there to settle evicted Highland peasants. Rivalry between the Company and the North Western Fur Company was violent, and in 1816 Semple was killed at Red River with nineteen others of a party of twenty-seven in an engagement with some of the opposing faction.

Written by Margaret Kannemeyer

Source: AFRICANA NOTES AND NEWS  December, 1947 Vol. V

The people who came to the Cape of Good Hope under Commander Van Riebeeck were very simple folk, common soldiers and sailors who cared more about comfort than fashion. Their clothes were necessarily as simple as their persons. For the first few months after their arrival they lived a camping life, and their European-made clothing probably became soiled and bedraggled, eventually to be replaced by crude home-made garments cut from rolls of imported cloth until the Burghers became settled and until tradesmen were allowed to ply their trades. Men would probably dress in crude leather buff-coats with a plain cotton or linen shirt beneath and tubular or knee breeches; and women in simple full-skirted gowns tucked up over short petticoats. But the patterns for even these home-made clothes would have been based on the modes fashionable at the time of the departure from Holland. These notes and illustrations do not attempt to reconstruct the makeshift clothing of the pioneering period of the first years at the Cape but to give some idea of the clothing worn by merchants, soldiers, sailors and simple people in Holland and in the service of the Dutch East India Company at that time, such as might have been at the Cape with Jan van Riebeeck.
The dominant influence of the 16th century was powerful Spain; during the first two decades of the 17th century Spanish fashions prevailed abroad; in the third they began to make way for other modes, yet certain articles of Spanish costume were retained, not for decades but for centuries. By Van Riebeeck's time Holland was at her zenith of political power and enjoying immense wealth, and this may account for the change of influence in fashion. Holland now took the reins and from then until the end of the century dictated what was to be worn. Holland demanded increasing simplicity in dress and exerted similar influence on colour, for black rapidly became the fashionable wear.

MEN

Since soldiers and explorers could not possibly wear, for any length of time, garments into which they were stuffed like sausages in their skins or throttle themselves in ruffs which gave them stiff necks, masculine costume was the first to break away from the conventions of Spanish modes. Man's dress now veered in the opposite direction from the Spanish costume with the general narrowness and tightness and acquired a wide, loose, vulgarly speaking sloppy character. The main difference lay in the breeches, formerly short, round and bombasted, reaching barely mid-way down the thigh, they now became loose and ample. There were three main types. First the long, full breeches to the knee, where they were fastened by long scarflike bands which were trimmed with lace at the ends. This type was fashionable during the third and fourth decade of the century and by Van Riebeeck's time the second type, the tubular breeches, which were unconfined at the knee and were garnished with ribbon loops at hems and waist-band and usually had rows of brocaded braid or ribbon sewn round the hems had become very popular.
Both these types were cut very full and baggy in the body and were gathered on to a band at the waist. There were large pockets in the seams at the sides which were frequently finished with embroidery or braid. The third type was an offshoot of the tubular breeches, which had been growing wider and wider. This was the petticoat or Rhinegrave breeches, resembling petticoats in cut. They originated in Holland and consisted of 20 to 30 metres of material made into a short divided skirt that reached to the knees, trimmed at waist and hem with loops and bunches of ribbons. Occasionally they were worn over knee-breeches during the later part of the period.

The corset-like Spanish doublet, busked and with a pointed waist and deep wings, held its own until 1632 when a loose sort of coat appeared, based on the military coat which had been worn by soldiers since the early part of the century, and is shown on the alleged portrait of Van Riebeeck in the Mayor's Parlour in the Cape Town City Hall. It was long and ample and was designed for comfort. It reached to the hips, and buttons formed most of the decoration. It had slits at the side and back and the sleeves, which were full had buttons from shoulder to cuff, most of which could be and often were, left unfastened to show the shirt beneath. The neck was high and was covered by a collar or cravat. Although men of action, like Van Riebeeck must have favoured it for many years, in the world of fashion this sensible jacket only made a very short stay, no sooner did it appear, but fashion, with its constant tendency towards extremes, took it in hand and turned a sensible garment into a perfect absurdity, and Cape critics must have seen this fashion on visiting officials and ridiculed this change. Not only did men no longer close their coats right down the front but they were shortened, and the open sleeves were reduced to about half their length so that the result looked exactly like a child's jacket. Elegance depended less upon trimming than a wonderful array of white linen.

The shirt had become one of the main objects of luxury; male attire permitted a vast expanse of this garment to show, for with an open coat that barely covered the ribs, the shirt was visible not only right down the front, but to the breadth of a couple of hands round the waist and almost the whole of the sleeve was displayed. This did not satisfy some young gentlemen who conceived the notion of cutting the top of the breeches down to the hip-line and men looked as though they were losing their breeches. By the time Van Riebeeck left the Cape this fashion was general, and there are many pictures extant showing officials of the Dutch East India Company wearing these abbreviated coats and displaying large areas of shirt. Loose coats of cassock-type, to mid- thigh, with wide sleeves turned up, appear for winter wear.

The shirt was made of the finest linen and, like other clothing, was large and loose. The sleeves were very full, set into the shoulders and cuffs with fine stroked gathers. In the early part of the decade cuffs were made to match the cravat and frequently had deep lace or embroidered borders. Sometimes there was a frill gathered with the sleeve into the wrist band which could be finished with a narrow black velvet ribbon with ends that tied in a bow. In other instances the cuff resembled the modern one and turned back over the coat sleeve. The most common form had the fullness gathered into a plain narrow wrist-band and a puff of the sleeve billowed out below the rather short coat-sleeve. The Batavian portrait of Van Riebeeck in the Rijksmuseum (reproduced as the frontispiece to Godée Molsbergen's life of Van Riebeeck, De stichter van Hollands Zuid-Afrika) shows the shirt cuff folded back over the coat sleeve and the portrait in the Cape Town City Hall has a very good example of the shortened coat sleeve unbuttoned from shoulder to cuff displaying the full shirt sleeve in the opening and billowing out in a huge puff below the coat cuff.

The change of the shape of the breeches was accompanied by a change in footwear and during Van Riebeeck's time boots – often spurred – were general for outdoor wear. The long close boot, commonly turned down or folded into a cup beneath the knee, recurred throughout but the tendency was for the tops to expand more and more. Shorter boots with bucket-tops were common. The spur-leathers had a butterfly shape at the instep, growing so large as to cover the foot. The toes tapered to a square tip.
In winter several pairs of stockings were worn. Between them and the boots were the boot-hose, often edged with lace or embroidery, who's spreading tops filled the tops of the boots; boot-hose could be worn with shoes.

Contemporary illustrations show the boot- hose brought up over the knee to keep them from creasing when the wearer was seated. Garters were tied in a great bow below the knee.

Shoes were very often open at the side. In 1652 huge ribbon roses decorated the front but from 1655 they were replaced by limp bows and later stiffened ones.

Now that the Spanish ruff had gone men wore comfortable neckwear. The soft, wide collar was in great favour in the early fifties. Later it became narrower round the neck but came well down in front. This was tile "cravat," said to have derived its name from a regiment of Croatians in the service of the French Court. The cravat was made of fine lawn, often plain but just as often bordered with lace or embroidery. It was tied underneath, at the neck, with cord so that the two sides fell parallel and the tasselled ends of the cord hung just below the edges.

The change in collars naturally resulted in a change of coiffure and hats. The stiff ruff, tilting up at the back, had practically compelled men to have short hair, but with its disappearance the necessity ceased. By Van Riebeeck's time men's heads had become framed in a mass of hair and as every man did not rejoice in a natural abundance of hair, a few years after the adoption of the cravat the periwig appeared although it was only adopted by young bloods and old men until the last part of the century, and was probably never seen at the Cape.

The new style of hair-dressing called for a new style of hats and the small, big-crowned hat now made way for the large pliable felt hat with broad brim and sweeping plumes. Respondant was a good name for it, for by the various ways in which the brim could be bent it could be adapted to express the moods of its wearer. Soon plumes were discarded in favour of ribbons. A plumed beret of black velvet was seen occasionally and for sport a cap with a brim capable of being turned up or down and often split in front was much worn. Some sort of head-gear was worn at all times.

Cloaks were worn all through the period, they reached the knees or lower and were slung and draped in various ways. From one or both shoulders, diagonally across the back, or close wrapped like the modem Spanish Cape the right hand corner being flung across the left shoulder – or again they could be carried wrapped loosely over the arm. The Rijksmuseum and Craey portraits both show Van Riebeeck wearing a cloak.

Very broad sashes tied in a great bow behind often confined the waist over the coat, for military wear. The shoulder-belt or baldrick often took the form of a wide soft sash with a large bow and long lace-edged ends at the side. Or it could be flat and heavily embroidered or brocaded in which case it fastened with a large ornamental buckle on the breast. (Perfect example on the Cape Town portrait of Van Riebeeck).

Deep gauntlet gloves, often fringed and embroidered were very fashionable both for men and for women. (Rijksmuseum and Craey portraits show men's gloves). It was considered ill-bred to appear in public without cloak or gown (similar to the academic gown of to-day) and on formal occasions the host and chief guests were generally covered indoors.

Military Costume

By 1650 it had been realised that heavy armour was less important than mobility and, except for cavalry, soldiers only wore a few essential pieces of armour. Van Riebeeck is unlikely to have had any cavalry, so no heavy armour would have been seen at the Cape.

The trooper and musketeer had no armour at all (they had to be able to move about quickly) but always wore the long military buff-coat over a doublet or with stuffed or slashed sleeves to give that impression. The buff-coat came over the hips and was fastened down the front and slit up the sides. They wore the full breeches of the day, caught at the knee or tubular and shoes and stockings or bucket-topped boots (often with boot-hose or boot-hose without the boots). The trooper generally wore a sash round his waist over his buff-coat and the musketeer wore a shoulder-belt holding all the paraphernalia connected with the fire-arms of those days. They both wore Respondants and their collars and shirt sleeves often had trimmings.
The arquebusier dressed in the same way as the musketeer except that he wore a Morion (sometimes plumed) – a metal helmet with a brim, usually small, with a small comb or ridge across the crown from front to back – and he carried a tripod or forked rest to support his weapon.

Pike-men wore morions and corselets (body armour consisting of breast-plate, back-plate – without pauldrons, which covered the shoulder-blades- and sometimes tasses-covering the front of the body from the waist to the thigh-which were hinged to the breast-plate) instead of buff-coats. On the march the head-piece was suspended by a ring (or it had the brim pierced for the purpose) to a hook on the back-plate over the right hip, and the pike-man assumed a Respondant like his fellows.

Officers dressed very fashionably and frequently had no armour at all. Sometimes a gorget was worn beneath the collar or a breast-plate beneath the coat. Bright colours and lavish lace were much favoured and the haidrick was made of the richest materials. Puffed or slashed sleeves were popular for military wear.

Common sailors and the poorer class of civilian, servants, etc., clung to a few of the old fashions or modified the fashions of the day to suit themselves. A simple form of the Spanish doublet with short basques and wings at the shoulders and plain tight sleeves was common. Rhinegraves were seldom seen amongst the poorer classes but tubular breeches were in general use. The Respondant was used by all classes, but sailors and labourers favoured an equally pliable conical cap, which could be worn at any angle and squashed in or dragged to one side as the wearer felt inclined. Shoes were often home-made and consisted of one piece of leather roughly triangular in shape; one point was drawn up over the toe to meet the other two which came round the ankle.

As previously mentioned black was the predominant colour of the period, particularly for men, but the general effect was rich rather than sombre because of the wonderful contrasts obtained. First there was the white of shirt and collar, then red was often found somewhere about the costume, the heels of shoes, or the lining of boots, or the stockings or all three. Gold galloon (braid) was widely used as trimming in Holland and is bound to have adorned the church clothing of Cape folk when they could get it and boots were often made of mellow yellow leather. The brightly-coloured baldrick always supplied a perfect foil for the black, brown or grey coat because it could be red, gold, yellow, blue or any other rich colour.

Women

Spanish fashions remained in favour longer among the women than among men. The deep-pointed wasp-waisted stomacher held its own until well into the 30's though generally in part hidden by the gown and although in 1630 a low-necked bodice with high waist and skirt tabs like a male doublet came into favour (generally opening over a long round-pointed stomacher to match) by 1650 the long closed bodice had re-appeared, pointed in front and laced behind.
The bodice was always decollete, shaped like a V or round or square or -more commonly – the decolletage ran horizontally round the bust and appeared to be falling off the shoulders, but was modified, in most cases, by the border of the chemise – often lace-edged – and by scarves of lace and gauze variously draped and pinned. The most common form was a square kerchief of linen or lace, folded in half and laid over a low-cut falling-collar, which largely masked the exposed shoulders and bosom and was fastened in front with a breast pin and rosette or knot of pearls or cords with tasselled ends or even left loose if desired.

Sometimes there were collars of linen or lace hanging straight all round sometimes high in the neck sometimes low-cut. Apart from this, the low neck of the bodice was nearly always edged with linen or lace. The bodice itself was often trimmed with vertical and diagonal rows of braid converging at the pointed waistline. This is shown in the Craey portrait of Maria. By 1650 the hand-ruff had been replaced by a spreading turn-back cuff. The short, loose-fitted bodice sleeve was often edged with braid beneath which peeped out the cuff and sleeve of the chemise – which was as important as a man's shirt and therefore was made very beautifully – or perhaps the cuff of the chemise would be turned back over the cuff of the bodice-sleeve in which case it would be rich with embroidery.

In the course of the 20's the last traces of the verdingale in the form of padding at the hips vanished except for the older women. By Van Riebeeck's time the skirt, gathered or pleated in at the waist hung freely. It was sometimes looped up and tucked under to uncover the petticoat of a contrasting material often richly decorated. The most popular forms were (a) the skirt opening in an inverted V-shape over a petticoat, sometimes the overskirt was drawn back and caught in a bustle effect and (b) a plain gown with trimming to simulate the V-shaped opening. Towards 1660 the skirt is often quite plain and closed all round. Long loose gowns falling straight from the neck were worn by old ladies and widows during the period. The tucked-up skirt would have been favoured by Cape women because the short petticoat allowed freedom of movement.
Even out of doors, ladies, for the most part, did not wear hats. Young girls were bare headed except for a brocaded caul or cap over the bun or pearl decorations round it. Young women and young matrons added to this by putting a covering in front of the caul, forming a survival of the old French Hood and Mary Queen of Scots cap. For formal occasions this could be made of velvet trimmed with ribbons or pearls or of some rich material with brocade, ribbon and jewels. For informal wear linen, lawn or gauze was used, with lace and rosettes of ribbon as trimmings. The velvet editions usually had a "widow's peak" over the brow (the Craey portrait of Maria van Riebeeck). Older women often wore draped or folded linen hoods, forming a shield for the face (obviously a parent of the South African kappie) and loose kerchiefs tied under the chin were favoured for everyday use by all.

During Van Riebeeck's time plain, high-crowned, broad-brimmed hats (over close lace or linen caps) enjoyed a transient phase of popularity in Europe and probably were seen at the Cape. For riding and hunting a masculine type of hat was adopted, high-crowned, broad-brimmed and plumed, and the plumed velvet beret was purloined from a man's wardrobe for outdoor wear.

The hair itself was generally strained off the face to a flat bun at the back. A high forehead being fashionable, many women obtained the desired effect by shaving the hair round the hair-line. Sometimes a few tendrils were left loose at the front, arranged as a fringe over the brow or set in a series of stiff little kiss curls, the whole effect was very severe (except for very young women and girls, who were allowed to loosen the hair a little) with sometimes a few bunches of formal cork-screw curls at the sides as a relief. Later these were wired away from the face and frequently reached the shoulders. Occasionally the side hair was frizzed out in a bush. The chignon, which projected quite a lot, when not enclosed in a tiny caul was decked with pearls. Bows of ribbon and strings of pearls formed hair ornaments. (Maria van Riebeeck has pearls on her French hood in Craey's portrait).
Jewelry was used sparingly compared to the Spanish period and was chiefly in the form of necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, kerchief-pins and miscellaneous pendants.

During the first part of the decade women's shoes were the same shape as men's. They were seldom seen because of the long ample skirts and were fastened with buckles and ribbons. Later they started to grow very high in the heel and the square toe went out of fashion in favour of a slight point. At the Cape during the first years they were probably home-made of leather.
The short sleeve gave rise to an exclusively feminine type of glove, long, close-fitting, generally of plain white kid or doe-skin, it reached to the elbow where it was secured by a glove-band of plaited horse-hair or by ribbon ties.

Muffs were in general use in the winter and fans were still used. Fixed circular ostrich-feather fans with long handles were much used in the Indies and are bound to have been common at the Cape. Large sunshades, carried by attendants were considered a necessity for the wives of Dutch East India Company officials in the East and after Van Riebeeck had imported slaves in 1657, in all probability they were seen at the Cape of Good Hope. When going to church ladies carried their Bibles on their arms, dangling by ribbons or cords, and often had a page to hold the trailing skirts of the gowns out of the dust.

As with the men of the period black was the predominant colour except for young girls and children, but, here again the combinations were so delightful that the result was not dull. White seems to have been next in favour and a white petticoat trimmed with gold galloon under a black dress appears to have been particularly favoured by Dutch ladies of the period. Other colours were brown, blue, yellow, pearl grey and red, nearly always combined with black. It is difficult to say what materials would be used but velvet and satins were universal for formal wear. For everyday woollen cloths and linens would probably have been used. Gone was the Spanish vogue for embroidered, gem-studded gowns, simplicity (by contrast) was the key-note of the period.

Women of the poorer classes

Wives of farmers and labourers favoured the white linen head-covering, often close-wrapped and tied beneath the chin, and occasionally topped by various shaped felt hats. The skirt was often looped up out of the way showing the short coloured petticoat which disclosed the thick stockings and plain shoes, often home-made. A kerchief of linen was tucked into the low neck of the gown (which was usually of some serviceable colour greyish-blue, brown, red, or rusty-red. Strangely enough, black does not seem to have been very popular among the poorer women. The crisp white square, worn outside the bodice, so beautifully folded over the shoulders and pinned over the bosom, typical of the Dutch lady-of-the-house did not allow freedom of movement and was not used by the working woman except for high days and holidays. A dark apron for everyday and a white one for Sundays completed the costume.

Children

Children were dressed like their parents from about the age of five. Boys wore plumed berets and sometimes had basqued doublets in place of jackets. Tiny girls often wore their hair hanging loose and had little close bonnets embroidered or trimmed with brocade and ribbons and sometimes had narrow cloaks fastened to the shoulders of the gown by ribbons or buttons or leading strings attached in the same manner. The portraits of Elisabeth and Joanna van Riebeeck in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam show them wearing the little close caps so popular for children. Elisabeth has a square kerchief folded over her shoulders and wears a dainty white apron over her looped up overskirt. Her petticoat and cloak (or leading-strings?) are red. We see that children's pinafores had fitted bib-fronts coming to a point at the waist where the skirt of the pinafore was put on with fine gathers. Joanna has a square lace-edged collar and her blue dress has trimming to simulate a V opening. They both have gold braid trimmings on their caps and their chemise sleeves are turned back over the sleeve proper. Note the plumed beret under Joanna's hand.
Babies of both sexes wore skirts to the ground and had quaint little caps reminiscent of the modem flying helmet, in shape.

Historical Costumes

A contemporary portrait of Jan van Riebeeck, painted some time before his departure to the Cape, shows a young man with hair reaching to the shoulders, a slightly drooping moustache, and a tuft below the lower lip. His small collar, trimmed with bobbin-lace, is fastened with a cord ending in tassels. A white shirt-sleeve is turned back over the doublet (a close-fitting garment reaching from the neck to just below the waist) in the form of a cuff, while a cloak is draped over the right shoulder and held by the left hand. The buttons on the doublet, which may have been covered in the same material, are visible. The doublet, only partially seen in the portrait, was sometimes worn untrimmed, and sometimes ornamented with braid, fringe, or loops of ribbon. The shirt-sleeves may show through slashes and at the wrists. Fairly wide breeches would reach the knees and be trimmed in the same fashion as the doublet. The hat would have a broad brim and a rather high crown, and the shoes would be decorated with ribbons or rosettes. In later fashions the breeches degenerated into petticoat-breeches, but whether Van Riebeeck wore them is questionable. He describes the Hottentots as wearing 'dressed ox-hides as handsomely on one arm, and with as much dignity of gait, as any swaggerer in the Fatherland ever carried his cloak over shoulder or arm'. (Van Riebeeck's own costume in the Heerengracht statue in Cape Town represents the dress of the late and not the middle 17th century. It is more likely that he wore a cloak, thrown over one shoulder, than a coat; and the shoulder-pieces are quite out of place, having gone out of fashion before he reached the Cape.)

Young men, officers and soldiers wore hats with feathers. Horsemen wore boots having bucket-top uppers, into which the tops of the boot-hose fell. A sash shoulder-belt was worn over the right shoulder, with the sword on the left side. The military also had sashes, but no real uniforms were worn, except that the costume was often a little more colourful than usual. Some soldiers wore jerkins of leather or heavily padded woollen material; others had armour for protection during combat.

In contrast with the statue of Van Riebeeck, that of his wife, Maria, is pleasing and satisfactory. In a portrait she is shown with a small cap, a collar edged with pillow-lace, and, vaguely, trimming on her bodice. The costume would consist of an open robe with a petticoat showing at the front, and the bodice (sometimes shaped to a point) would have buttons, or horizontal ornamentation, or braid slanting from the armholes. The collar was made from a circular piece of cloth, edged with lace and folded slightly above the centre line, and then worn round the neck so as to produce a double-lace effect, and with a slope from the neck to the shoulders, which would be hidden. Sometimes the collar was square, and folded above the centre. Down the front of the dress was braid or other trimming, which continued along the hem. The dress and overgown often differed in colour and material; for instance, a gown might be of black silk and the dress of blue, with a trimming of gold lace down the front and round the bottom. The hair would be drawn straight back, with a close-fitting black cap having a tongue coming down over the forehead and going back in a moon-shaped sweep over the ears, near which were ornaments; at the join with the upper part covering the chignon were pearls. Lace-trimmed white caps were worn indoors; sometimes only a neckerchief was placed on the head. Worn at home were very attractive little jackets made of velvet, silk or damask, in white, black, red or violet, and edged with white fur. Shoes must have been very uncomfortable, as in indoor paintings they are often seen lying on the floor. The dress of servants was similar in style to that of the mistress, only more homely and often with the addition of an apron.

Much attention was paid to children's clothes. Boys were dressed like grown men, though small boys wore long dresses like those of their sisters, but are often depicted with a cap, collar or toy to distinguish them from girls. Collars were often like those of grown-ups. At the back of the dress, bands were frequently to be seen; these derived from the reins used when teaching children to walk. Boys and girls alike wore aprons.

The 18th Century

The end of the 17th century was marked by a fundamental change, and an entirely new garment, the waistcoat, appeared. The coat itself was collarless, and for neckwear the cravat (a strip of linen loosely knotted under the chin) was used. The breeches were very tight and fastened under the knees with buckles, with which the shoes were also adorned. Wigs were worn by all, and often the three-cornered hat or tricorne. This was the dress of Simon van der Stel and his officials, and also of the free burghers and Huguenots when they arrived at the Cape.

The same fashion, with variations, was worn throughout the 18th century. Baron G. W. van Imhof, who came to the Cape in the 1740's, is seen in his portrait dressed in the height of fashion, with velvet coat, satin waistcoat, cravat, wig, shoes with buckles, and a baton in his right hand. During this period wigs were really part of costume; W. A. van der Stel had several wigs.

In inventories of the time one finds items such as men's shirts, smoking-caps, red breeches with silver buttons, black hats, coats with silver buttons, wigs and wig-stands, a grey hat with feather, cravats with lace, a scarf with gold and silver fringe, and so on. Boys were still dressed in the same style as their fathers.

Tailor-soldiers were employed to make uniforms -one embroidered a very handsome coat for Governor Jan de la Fontaine. An officer wore a blue uniform embroidered with gold; cadet officers had a uniform of red cloth with silver braid, the hat being trimmed with point d'Espagne (Spanish lace); a sergeant wore blue cloth with red lining, two rows of half-inch (1.3 cm) braid, and a hat with a single band of braid. A soldier's coat, waistcoat and breeches were made of blue kersey (a woollen material) with brass buttons; stockings were red and shoes black; and the hat had a gold lace band. Slaves employed as police assistants wore a short, grey coat with blue lapels, waistcoat and breeches; ordinary slaves had a jerkin and breeches of coarse material. When Ryk Tulbagh enforced the Company's law against luxurious living at the Cape, specific items mentioned were the trains worn by ladies and the large umbrellas.

The everyday clothes of a farmer consisted of a check shirt, a long-sleeved waistcoat, breeches, a hat that was not turned up, and veld-shoes made by himself. When he came to town he wore his smart blue suit. By the end of the century the coat was cut away in front, showing the short waistcoat. It was then that boys began to wear long trousers and a short jacket.

The 17th century produced great changes and variations in women's clothes. With the end of the century came bunching of the skirt at the back and sides, often ending in a train. The petticoat was frilled and ornamented. The neck finish was lace or a fichu, and on the elbow of the sleeves was a ruffle of lace. The fontange, made of gauze, lace, ribbon and pleated frills so that it stood up in front of the bonnet, became the fashionable head-dress.
In the 18th century the hoop reappeared in various shapes and sizes until it became the oblong hoop, wide at the sides and flat at the front and back. The 'sack', made with small box-pleats, fell from the back of the neck to the hem of the dress, sometimes ending in a train. Petticoats were made of quilted silk with an elaborate embroidery of stitching, usually contrasting with the rest of the dress. A good example of this fashion is found in the Groot Constantia portrait of Hester Anna Lourens. She wears a blue dress, the petticoat being trimmed with festoons and ornaments; the bodice is trimmed with lace, a sprig fastening the fichu; the sleeves have flounces and three lace ruffles; a small bonnet rests on the smooth of the hair; the toe of a pink shoe peeps from the hem of her skirt. The everyday dress of the ladies was printed East Indian cotton or chintz, worn with starched hoop petticoats, and a silk gown for weddings and other formal occasions. The Bengali and Surat slaves were excellent embroiderers and competent needlewomen, making beautiful lace, embroidery, neckerchiefs and head-dresses, if the designs were supplied. As in the case of the men, female slaves wore clothes of coarse material and walked barefoot.

At the close of the century the elaborate dress disappeared and a simple dress with a short bodice and sash became the fashion. Young girls were dressed in precisely the same way as their mothers; they were, in fact, the first to wear this simplified dress.

19th Century

Men's coats now assumed the cutaway shape. Both neckcloths and bow ties shrank, breeches were still worn, and the top-hat made its appearance. Frequently the coat, waistcoat and breeches were of different colours and material. Among the younger set, however, trousers were slowly coming into fashion. These were tight-fitting and secured by straps under the soles of the boots. By the time the 1820 Settlers came to South Africa trousers were almost always worn. Overcoats now had many overlapping capes, and cloaks were also worn. Side-whiskers and choker collars (which reached above the chin and cupped it) became popular and were worn with a neckcloth or necktie.

In 1838, when the Voortrekkers went northwards, they also wore trousers made of corduroy, moleskin or buckskin, in black, brown or green; alternatively, the trousers were made of blue nankeen. They wore duffle coats and check or woollen shirts, but on Sundays changed into velvet coats with waistcoats of the same material, cashmere trousers, and fine linen shirts. Their jackets were short for everyday wear, while frock-coats were worn on special occasions. Sometimes garments were made of dressed leather which was as soft as cloth but hardened when it became wet.

About 1860 short jackets came into fashion. They were in evidence both as part of a complete suit or with trousers of different material. Sometimes the jacket was buttoned at the neck, at other times cut in a V shape with narrow lapels. There was also the single-breasted morning coat with a rounded-off front, one button being fastened at the neck and the others left undone to show the lower part of the waistcoat. The double-breasted frock-coat was black and of the same material as the rest of the suit. For evening dress a swallow-tailed coat was adopted a this time, and the tie was fastened in a small bow or knot. During this period knickerbockers came in for sports wear, and in the eighties the Norfolk jacket, also for sporting wear, was an innovation. Now, besides the top-hat, there were also the straw hat and caps of various shapes and materials. Among other things, young boys often wore either a jacket buttoning high into the neck, or a sailor blouse, in both cases with knickerbockers or shortened trousers; and on their heads they wore a sailor hat with ribbon hanging down the back, or a tam-o'-shanter.

After all the extravagance and luxury of the previous period, the 19th century preferred simplicity although in the later part of the period elegance and elaboration again appeared. In the early 1800's dresses were made of lawns, muslins, silks; out of doors, pelisses, spencers and shawls were worn. The skirt fell from immediately below the armpits, with no fullness in front, and was gathered at the back. Young girls wore shorter dresses with pantaloons. By the time the 1820 Settlers arrived, the waist drew ever nearer to the natural waist-line, and a reticule or hand-bag was carried because the material of the dress was too diaphanous to contain a pocket. Large hats, and also large poke-bonnets, were worn. About 1829 sleeves became enormous – veritable balloons -but by 1836 these were out of fashion. Now the waist returned to its normal place, with a point in front, and many petticoats were worn.

It was in this period that the Voortrekkers went north and took with them material to make women's dresses: chintz and prints for everyday wear, and silks for special occasions. The kappie was in the style of the poke-bonnet: when the bonnet was large at the beginning of the century, kappies were large, but now became smaller to match the smaller pokebonnets. Kappies were made of linen in three thicknesses or layers and then beautifully quilted. They were practical and could be frequently washed, starched and ironed.

By 1850, when the weight of the petticoats became intolerable, women returned to the old practice of wearing hoops or frames to make their dresses stand out, but now they were called crinolines. Little girls had wide dresses and pantaloons, trimmed with frills of embroidery. By about 1863 ladies could make simple dresses at home from paper patterns, and Willcox & Gibbs advertised: 'No home is complete without a Noiseless family Sewing Machine'. Shawls were worn, and a bride's trousseau required a fair number of them, in wool, silk or gauze. Toward the end of the sixties the fullness of the dress was drawn backwards, and by 1870 flexible draperies were added to the skirt at the back. The bustled skirt was trimmed with pleats, quillings, ruches and many other refinements, and for formal occasions had a train.

Small hats were perched forward on the hair. In the eighties the bustle became even more pronounced. Also worn was the dolman, a kind of close-fitting cape in which shaped seams resembled sleeves, trimmed with lace or fur. As the last decade of the century advanced, the silhouette changed and the skirt became bell-shaped, with the fullness at the back. Balloon or leg-of mutton sleeves were the fashion. A mantle was worn out of doors. At the close of the century sleeves became tight-fitting, and the bell-shaped skirt often had a train which was gracefully carried when walking. During the preceding years little girls wore dresses resembling those of their mothers but shorter, while at the end of the century they were wearing dresses which fell loosely from a yoke.

A description of all the changes in costume which were to develop with the 20th century would carry us too far. Shortly after the turn of the century men's feet left the ground in flight, and skirts also began to leave the ground and show more ankle, calf or knee.

Acknowledgments Africana Notes and News December 1951 Volume IX, No 1 and Standard Encylopeadia of South Africa.

Quantity control was essential for trade, and trade was the driving force behind both the discovery and the colonisation of Southern Africa; hence the early establishment of a system of weights and measures at the Cape of Good Hope. In 1681, through the ‘Statuten van India’, the Dutch authorities prescribed standards of measurement and their application in trade. Instruments had to be assized twice yearly and the most common goods had to be marketed in fixed quantities. Fines were imposed for non-compliance. At the beginning of British rule in 1806 the following standards were in use:

Weight:

16 ounces = 32 lood = 1 Dutch pound
92 Dutch pounds = 100 English pounds
Units of weight: 50 lb to 1 lood

Dry measure:

1 schepel = 82/107 Winchester bushel
1 muid = 4 schepels (3 Imperial bushels)
1 load = 10 muids

Liquid measure:

1 leaguer = 152 Dutch gallons = 126 7/11 Imperial gallons
1 pipe = 110 Dutch gallons
1 aum = 38 Dutch gallons
1 anker = 9 ½ Dutch gallons
1 flask = 11/32 Dutch gallons

Cloth measure:

1 ell = 27 Rhineland inches
1 yard = 37 17/20 Rhineland inches
4 Dutch ells = 3 English yards (approx.)

Measure of length:

1 foot = 12 inches (Dutch)
1 rood = 12 feet (Dutch)
1000 Dutch or Cape feet = 1033 English ft

Under the British occupation the Dutch system remained in force, although the British weights and measures were also used, especially in the towns. (It cannot be established to what extent the aborigines made use of any measures.) As the pioneers migrated inland, they took the Dutch measures with them, so that by 1850 these were also used in the Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal . During this period traders rarely possessed scales. They had to use measures of contents like the bucket and schepel. The term ‘an hour on horseback’ was used to indicate distance, and often also to measure the area of farms. In South-West Africa the German Colonial Gazette of 26 June 1895 laid down this distance as 10 km exactly. The need for statutory control was evident, and after 1850 the various governments all passed laws to control measurement: the Cape in 1858-59 and 1876, Natal in 1852 and 1872, the Transvaal in 1874 and 1891, while the O.F.S. passed a comprehensive law in 1898. It is not known to what extent control was exercised, as there is no record of the employment of trained assizers until 1902, when the municipality of Johannesburg appointed one.

Legislation on weights and measures passed by the two British colonies in the Cape and Natal, as well as in the two inland republics, retained the Dutch or Cape area measure of 1 morgen = 600 square roods = 2,116 acres; but they all favoured the British standards of weight and measure of length and contents, although the Transvaal scheduled the Dutch and the metric units as alternatives. Natal prescribed Imperial land measure, the acre, subdivided into 43 560 English square feet; and this was the legal unit in that province, excepting the northern districts of Vryheid and Utrecht, which belonged to the Transvaal until 1902 and therefore retained the morgen. The acre, however, was used outside Natal as a popular unit for land sales, especially for small properties, but not as an official measuring unit.

Since January 1970 all land-surveying has been done in metric units of measurement, the units being the square metre (m4) and hectare (ha).

During the period 1902 to 1922 all the former legislation remained in force, while its administration was ceded to local authorities. The need for uniform control was advocated by commerce, but it was not effected until Parliament passed the Weights and Measures Act (No. 32 of 1922. In the mean time the municipalities of Johannesburg, Pretoria and Durban established assize departments with trained assizers to assize traders’ instruments and control the sale of goods. The other major towns had standards and equipment, and the fire brigades administered weights and measures regulations. The trained personnel of the local authorities was taken over by the Union government and formed the nucleus of the Assize Division of the Department of Commerce and Industries from 1923.

The Act prescribed standards based on the British reference units, but converted the imperial avoirdupois weight units to decimal denominations by omitting the odd units of 3, 4, 7, 14, 15, 28, 56, 112 lb and the long ton (2240 lb). Provision under the 18th-century weights found in wall of Town House, Cape Town. It was customary to bury weights showing signs of wear.

Act was also made for the examination of candidates for the assizer’s certificate, approval of new types of instruments intended for use in trade, and control of the sale of goods. The Act was amended in 1933 and 1940 and was superseded by Act 13 of 1958, which was again amended in 1960, 1964, 1969 and 1970. The following denominations of weights were prescribed by the Act of 1922 and remained in force until metrication:

Avoirdupois. 2000 lb (1 ton),100 lb (cental), 50 lb, 25 lb, 20 lb, 10 lb, 5 lb, 2 lb, 1 lb (= 16 oz), 8 oz down to ½ dram. The ton mentioned above is the ‘short’ or Cape ton, being the legal unit of weight in South Africa besides the metric ton (1000 kg) which before metrication was used in the export trade only. The ‘short’ ton is also in use in the United States and Canada.

Troy weight (for precious metals in ounces troy (oz 0): 500, 400, 300, 200, 100, 50, 40, 30, 20, 10, 5, 4, 3, 2 and 1 (I oz t. = 480 grains or 20 dwt). Subdivisions of the ounce troy range from 0,5 down to 0,0001 oz t.

Apothecaries’ weight (for medicines). 12 oz apoth. 1 lb apoth. ; 1 oz apoth. = 480 grains = 8 drachms = 20 scruples. Denominations used before metrication: 10, 8, 6, 4, 2 and 1 oz. Since metrication the metric system is being used by chemists, i.e. the litre and millilitre.

Measures of length used until metrication were 1 yard = 1 Imperial yard = 0,9143992 metre, with sub-multiples: 1 yard = 3 feet = 36 inches.

Measures of volume until metrication were 1 Imperial gallon = 4 quarts = 8 pints = 160 fluid ounces.

Conversion to Metric System

Act 32 Of 1922 made provision for metric measures of weight, length and capacity to be used in trade, but the system had been used only to the extent indicated above. When decimalisation of coinage was implemented in 1961, it became evident that it was desirable for the country to adopt the metric system of measurement. Amendment Act 44 of 1964 provided for an independent National Standard Kilogram to be kept by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (C.S.I.R.) and to be regularly compared with the international standard. Subsequently, the Republic adopted the International System of Units and provision was also made for other essential standards in this system.

Since the commencement of metrication in 1968 all packaging above retail level has been converted to metric measurement, and by June 1973 more than 50% of the instruments in trade use had been converted. All pre-packing will be in metric units as soon as retailers’ instruments are completely converted. The use of Imperial weights, measures of length and volume was prohibited as from 1 Jan. 1973. (New legislation in South Africa substitutes the term ‘mass’ for ‘weight’, but in other countries ‘weight’ will probably be retained, as the difference between the two concepts is too slight to matter for ordinary commercial purposes.)

Weights and measures regulations to enforce pre-packers to declare the quantity either by measure of weight, volume, length, area, cubic measure or number on every packet and invoice coincided with the actual commencement of metrication in trade. Excellent progress was made with standardisation of pre-packed goods at the same time, in order to facilitate comparison of quality and price for consumers.

Metric units replaced apothecaries’ units formerly used by chemists. The troy system is still in use, but is to be replaced by the metric system. It is not certain whether the metric carat system used for diamonds and precious stones will be replaced by metric units.

The Trade Metrology Act (No. 77 of 1973) is to repeal the Weights and Measures Act. The permissible measuring units prescribed in the Weights and Measures Act were incorporated in the Measuring Units and National Standards Act 1973 (No. 76 of 1973), which also provides for custody of the national standards by the C.S.I.R. Except for provision in the new legislation for the ultimate retention of the international System of Units only, there is no radical difference in the remaining provisions of the Acts.

Other countries in Southern Africa

In the former German colonies, South-West Africa and Tanganyika , the metric system of measurement was in use until 1914. Since then, the British Imperial system gradually took over and, as in the case of Rhodesia and Kenya, measurement has been controlled by British-trained officials. Effective control of measurement in South-West Africa commenced only in 1944 when officials of the South African government were seconded to the Administration of the territory for that purpose. The South African standards were adopted and the territory is converting to the metric system simultaneously with the Republic.

Rhodesia and Zambia are converting to the metric system, and Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda have already done so. Angola and Mozambique have been employing the metric system, as in Portugal.

Swaziland, Botswana and Lesotho, having close economic ties with the Republic of South Africa, are adopting the metric system, although it will probably be some years before the instruments of traders are converted. (See also Decimalisation; Metrication.)

Weights and Measures

The Division of The Assize, as it was known until 1963, was established with effect from 1 May 1923 as a division of the Department of Mines and Industries, to administer the Weights and Measures Act of 1922. In 1933 the division was incorporated into the Department of Commerce and Industries. The objects of the Act and the regulations promulgated are to ensure fair competition between traders and to protect purchasers against short weight and measure. The Act requires that all weighing and measuring instruments and all weights and measures used in trade be assized annually, so that a reasonable standard of accuracy may be maintained. To achieve this, there are 14 regional offices in the larger centres of South Africa. The Assize Board, a statutory body, assists and advises the superintendent in case of an appeal against an assizer’s decision, in supervising and conducting the examinations of pupil assizers, and in examining and approving new types of weighing and measuring instruments used in trade. Journeys are regularly undertaken by assizers of the regional offices for the assizing or re-assizing of heavy, delicate or fixed instruments, or those of traders whose premises are more than is km from the nearest assize station. Instruments found to be correct are then stamped with the stamp of assize, while those not conforming to the standard are rejected for repair and re-assizing later. A neccessity after assizing is inspection to ensure that instruments have not been tampered with.

In the case of the large railway weighbridges, the Administration of the South African Railways and Harbours provides test units with 2 x 2,000 kg, 5 x 5,000 kg roller weights and 50 x 20 kg weights, supplied by the Division to a total weight of 30 tons each. For road weighbridges the Division provides its own mobile test units with a gross weight of about as 25,000 kg. The Division also tests, on behalf of the Department of Agriculture, dairy glassware for the determination of the butter-fat content of milk and cream. The second object is to ensure fair competition, and therefore it is laid down that many articles must be sold in prescribed quantities or by net weight. In order to protect the public against malpractices, all articles sold by weight or measure must be marked accordingly. In 1973 legislation was passed to provide for the systematic introduction into South Africa of the measuring units of the International System of Units and for the maintenance of national measuring standards. The latter function was assigned to the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research.

An excerpt from the thesis “British Policy Towards the Malays at the Cape of Good Hope 1795-1850)

By Ghamim Harris B.A. (UCT) M.A. (U. W. Wash.)

The building of mosques was one of the most important activities of the Malay community at the Cape of Good Hope. Very few accounts, except that of Rochlin (1), have been written to examine this aspect of the development of Islam at the Cape. In recent years an excellent attempt was made by Bradlow and Cairns, on the Muslims at the Cape, with information on the Auwal mosque, (2) which other contemporary writers (3) have ignored.
There is no documentary evidence that an attempt was made to build a mosque before 1790. There is evidence that the Muslims at the Cape made an attempt to build a Mosque in the late 1790′s. The invasion by the British in 1795 and the Dutch defense of the Cape gave the Muslims the opportunity to enlist the support of the governing authorities to grant them permission to build a mosque. The Dutch authorities before 1750 did not condone the spread of Islam; they were only interested in converting slaves to Christianity. However, this all change with the publication of Van der Parra’s Plakaat, or Code of Laws (4); the Dutch followed more tolerable attitude towards Muslims at the Cape and in the East Indies. This action may have fostered the development of a positive attitude towards Muslim community in Cape Town.

The Malays had always held their religious services in prayer rooms set aside in the houses of imams. They now saw a changed attitude, which may lead to the building of a mosque.
The first literary reference to any kind of mosque was made by Thunberg:

On the 20th of June (1772), the Javanese here celebrated their new year. For this purpose they had decorated an apartment in a house with carpets, that covered the ceilings, walls and floor, At some distance from the furthest wall an altar was raised, from the middle of which a pillar rose up to the ceiling, covered with narrow slips of quilt paper and gilt alternately; from above, downwards ran a kind of lace between the projecting edges. At the base of this pillar were placed bottles with nosegays stuck in them. Before the altar lay a cushion, and on this a large book. The women, who were still standing or sitting near the door, were neatly dressed, and the men wore nightgowns of silk or cotton. Frankincense was burned. The men sat crosslegged on the floor, dispersed all over the room. Several yellow wax candles were all lighted up. Many of the assembly had fans, which they found very useful for cooling themselves in the great heat necessarily produced by the assemblage of a great number of people in such a small place. Two priests were distinguished by a small conical cap from the rest, who wore handkerchiefs tied about their heads in the form of a turban. About eight in the evening the service commenced when they began to sing, loud and soft alternately, sometimes the priest read out of a great book that lay on the cushion before him.

I observed them reading after the Oriental manner, from right to left, and imagined it to be the Alcoran they were reading, the Javanese being mostly Mohamedans. Between the singing and reading, coffee was served up in cups, and the principal man of the congregation at intervals accompanied their singing on the violin. I understood afterwards that this was a Prince from Java (5) , who had opposed the interest of the Dutch East India Company, and for that reason had been brought from his native country to the Cape, where he lives at the Company’s expense. (6)

Writing about the same time as Thunberg was at the Cape, George Forster, wrote of the Malays that: “A few of them follow the Mohommedan (sic) rite, and weekly meet in a private house belonging to a free Mohommedan, in order to read, or rather chant several prayers and chapters of the Koran.” (7)

The above two quotes support earlier testimony that Malays owned property and that the Dutch had become more tolerant after 1750. The Dutch tolerated the practice of Islam, while denying official recognition. In an earlier chapter it was pointed out that some plakaats were not really enforced, although they remained on the statute books.
The free Malays obtained the right to own land. Not necessarily because of changes in the legal system, but de facto, by the purchase of property, this was legally registered in the name of the owner. This is an acknowledgement that they had the right to purchase and own real estate. Moodie mentions many Black Free Burghers who owned considerable property. (8)

Since many of the Free Blacks were Malays, it is logical that many Malays owned real estate. In a footnote Moodie observed, “The opinion that the right of Burghership was an exclusive privilege of the Whites, seems to have no foundation in law, …” (9) Another early writer, who visited the Cape in 1799, Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, wrote “… among them I met many pious Mussulmans, several of who possessed considerable property.” (10) The records at the Deeds Office in Cape Town, supports the fact that many Malays owned property in the central and upper part of the Cape Town during the first two decades of the administration of the British Government at the Cape of Good Hope.

On the other hand, according to Commissioner de Mist (11) and Theal’s commentaries on the administration of the Batavian Republic, (12) the Malays did not enjoy the freedom to worship in public. Public worship also included the right to build a mosque and to use it as a public place of worship. For the liberal de Mist, imbued with the spirit of “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,” of the French Revolution, there was far too much opposition on the Council of Policy for him to extend freedom of religion to anyone, other than the members of the Dutch Reformed and the Lutheran Churches. The Batavian government at the Cape of Good Hope was not in control long enough to enforce their liberal ideas nor did they have the support of the majority of the white inhabitants.

In the late 1790′s some Muslims, among them Tuan Guru (Imam Abdullah Kadi Abdussalaam), and Frans van Bengal petitioned the British authorities for a mosque site, but were refused. Barrow wrote, “… The Malay Mohomedans (sic), being refused a church performed their public service in the stone quarries at the head of the town. (13)” This statement by Barrow has not been corroborated by any other documentary evidence.
A statement by Samuel Hudson, who was chief clerk of the customs, confirmed the fact that permission was granted to build a mosque. Samuel Hudson was a keen observer of events and gives a graphic description of the people, their attitudes and events at the Cape during in the period from 1798 to 1800.

The heads of them (Muslims) have petitioned the government and obtained permission to erect a church or mosque for celebrating their public worship, so that in a few months we shall see a temple dedicated to Allah and the Mohametan religion openly professed. (14)

Theal stated that The Muslims petitioned General Janssen for a mosque site. This was granted because of the impending war against Britain. Although permission was granted for the building of a mosque, the actual building did not begin, because of the invasion and occupation of the Cape by the British. Later the Muslims building on this strength again petitioned the new British Governor Sir George Yonge to build a mosque. This was their petition:

To His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir George Yonge, Baronet, and Knight of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, one of His Majesty’s most Honourable Privy Council, Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Castle, Town and Settlement of the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and the Territories and Dependencies thereof, and Ordinary and Vice Admiral of the same.

The most humble Petition of the inhabitants of Cape Town professing the Mohometan faith:

The aforesaid humble Petitioners beg permission to approach your Excellency with all possible humility, and to represent to your Excellency that they labour under the greatest distress of mind by having no place of worship in which they may pay their adoration to God, conformably to the principles of their religion. They assure themselves your Excellency will admit nothing conduces so much to the good order of Society as a due observance of religious worship, and though they trust it will be allowed them that few enormities have been committed by the persons subject to your Majesty’s Government who profess their faith, yet they believe their being by your Excellency’s paternal indulgence furnished with the means of regular worship, that the manners and morality of their brethren will be greatly improved, and that they will thereby become more valuable members of society. They therefore implore your Excellency to grant then a little spot of unoccupied land of the dimensions of one hundred and fifty squareroods whereon to erect at their own expense a small temple to be dedicated to the worship of Almighty God. Your Excellency knows that the form of the religion requires frequent ablutions from whence it is indispensable that their mosque should be contiguous to water. A suitable spot is situated at some distance above the premises of General Vanderleur, and they humbly conceive there will be no objections to their little temple being there placed. They throw themselves at your Excellency’s feet, and beseech you to their humble and pious solicitations, and if your Excellency is pleased to give a favourable ear to their Petition they will by their conduct demonstrate they are not unworthy of your Excellency’s indulgence and protection.

And your Excellency’s humble petitioners will as in duty bound ever pray, etc., etc., etc.

Signed by “Frans van Bengal,” for himself and the rest of the inhabitants professing the Mohametan faith. (16)

The petition was signed by Frans van Bengalen in Arabic.
The request was approved by the Governor Sir George Yonge on January 31, 1800. Sir George wrote over the petition in his handwriting, “Approved.” ‘That was pending a report being prepared by the Proper Officer regarding the land described in the petition. Signed: ‘in G.W. Yonge, Government House, Jan’y 31 1800.’
On February 1, 1800, the Colonial Secretary, Andrew Barnard, wrote to the President and Members of the Burgher Senate:
Castle Cape of Good Hope
1 February 1800

Mr. President and Members of the Burgher Senate:
Gentlemen:

I am commanded by His Excellency the Governor and Commander in Chief to send you the enclosed petition from the Mohametan (sic) inhabitants of this place requesting that a piece of ground may be granted them for the purpose of erecting a place of worship thereon. His Excellency therefore desires that you will depute two of your members to examine the ground and report thereon if it may be granted without injury to the public or any individual.

I am, Gentlemen,
Your obedient servant, Signed A. Barnard. (17)

Unfortunately there is no record that the Burgher Senate inspected the ground or sent the Governor a report either approving or disapproving the request. Opposition by members of the Burgher Senate may have been responsible that the Muslims did not receive permission to proceed with the building of a mosque. By that time the Batavian Republic had taken over the Cape under General Janssens.

During the Batavian period form1803 to 1806, the Malays again petitioned for permission to build a mosque. Janssens true to his liberal attitude readily agreed. The Batavian administrators had a greater sense of tolerance than the Dutch East India Company officials towards the Malays, but they were also realists since they needed the assistance of the Malays to defend the Cape against the British. The mosque site was granted, on the condition that the Malays commit themselves to defend the Cape militarily (18). Janssens thereupon formed the Malay Artillery. The officers trained them to be a very efficient fighting force. However, before Janssens could execute this promise, the British occupied the Cape in 1806. The Malay Artillery fought bravely to resist the invaders that General Baird with no hesitation confirmed the promise made by Janssens. Theal noted:

The Mohamedan religion was never prohibited in South Africa, though during the government of the East India Company people of that creed were obliged to worship either in the open air or in private houses. Permission to build a mosque, which was granted without hesitation, and a commencement was about to be made when the colony was conquered by the English. General Baird confirmed the privilege granted by his predecessor, and very shortly there was a mosque in Cape Town. Another was build during the government of Lord Charles Somerset. (19)

The initial mosque may have been built in the stone quarry. This is located near Chiappini and Castle Streets. Little evidence remains of this mosque. This mosque could have been a temporary building. Since no land was granted to the Muslims to build a mosque, Somerset had noted later that the governor had the right to grant citizenship and to issue land grants to any person or group of people. Somerset granted the Malays permission to build a mosque. This mosque was the Auwal Mosque. Unfortunately this led to a disagreement in the Malay community regarding the leadership or the appointment of an imam at this mosque.

Tuan Guru (Imam Abdullah) died in 1807. His death resulted in a major dispute within the Malay community. According to letters written to the editor of the South African Commercial Advertiser, Tuan Guru did not want Jan van Boughies to succeed him as Imam.

Cape Town, 17th Feb., 1836.

Sir, – I present you my best compliments, hoping that you will hearken to my prayer. Sir, I have seen in the paper that they published, that my father, Imaum Abdulla, did not raise Achmat, who is Imaum now. I can assure you Sir, that my father called Imaum Achmat in, and made him promise that he would take care of me and of my brother, according to my late father’s wish; and therefore I wish to state to you the truth if I am called upon for the circumstance: but, Sir, you do not think it is pleasant for me to hear these uncomfortable circumstances. I can assure you, that my father having given the situations over to Imaum Achmat, so he acted according to my father Imaum Abdulla’s wish: and I can assure you that since my father’s death, Imaum Achmat treated us two as his own children; in fact, he could not have done better towards us; and may I wish that he may live twenty years longer in this world, for his is like a father and mother to me; my whole power is from him. Sir, I beg leave to say, also, that it is my place to stand at the head of all, because I had to promise my own father Imaum Abdulla, that we were not to stand before we were of the age of 40 years: but, Sir, because I am not studied through the books, therefore I gave it over to Imaum Achmat until I shall be able to take his place. And I can assure you that none of the others ever assisted me since my father’s death – neither Abdul Wassa, nor Jan of Bougies; as for Manzoor, I don’t count him at all – he is nothing.

And I wish, Sir, that the Almighty God will never change my heart from that church, or from Imaum Achmat, and May I wish that no one will bury me but Imaum Achmat, and myself had to promise my brother, on his dying bed, (my emphasis) never to leave Imaum Achmat, and that Imaum Achmat is to teach me exactly like my own brother. And therefore I shall stay with him as long as I live, please God that he may see me on the righteousness of the world. Honored Sir, may I pray of you that you will do justice to me and to Imaum Achmat, and may I hope that you will see into the case, whether it is justice. And may I pray to the Almighty God that your heart will be good enough to do what you can for me and my father Imaum Achmat.

I am Sir, your most obedient servant.
Prince Abdul Roove. (20)

This is the first evidence of a major split in the Malay community. Although most services were previously conducted in the houses owned by the Free Malays, before the building of the first mosque, some services were still conducted by other imams in their own homes. Many mosques were built at the death, of an imam, because the congregation could not agree on a successor, or if a successor was chosen an opposition faction would break away to form their own group and build a mosque. There is evidence in the Cape Archives of two major civil cases questioning the right of certain persons to be imams. (21)
PALM TREE MOSQUE or Langar:
This split in the Malay communtiy occured in 1807. Jan van Bhougies and Frans van Bengal broke away from Guru’s congregation to form a new congregation.
Since Tuan Guru stated quite clearly, according to Prince Abdul Roove’s the letter to the editor of the South African Commercial Advertiser, that he did not want Frans van Bengal as the imam of his congregation.
The free Malay community in Cape Town was growing rapidly in Cpe Town and numbered 1,130 in 1806. (22) By 1811 the number of Muslims would have been as high as 1,500, not counting the slaves. It is quite obvious that one mosque would have been too small to meet the needs of all the Muslims.
In 1811 the land on which the Auwal Mosque is located was donated to Tuan Guru’s congregation for the building of the first mosque.

Immediately after the death of Tuan Guru Jan van Boughies and Frans van Bengal (Frank) purchased the house in Long Street and took legal transfer of the property on November 30, 1807. The upper floor of the two-storey house was converted into a large prayer hall or langar. (23)

This was the first time that a house was converted for use as a mosque, since imams formerly used rooms in their homes, which was set aside as a prayer room. Because this house was located in “die Lange Straat,” houses that were later converted as mosques were called, “Langar.”
This has been the popular interpretation of the origin of the term. However, subsequent research discovered a much more plausible explanation of the use of the term “langar” at the Cape to describe places of worship which were not mosques. The Encyclopedia of Islam provides the following description.

In the Dutch Indies, two kinds of mosques have to be distinguised, the mosque for the Friday service (Jumah) – these alone were called mosque (masagijid, also mistjid) – and simple houses of prayer. This second category is found all over the country, especially in smaller villages and owes its origin to private initiative and partly to public efforts; they have native names (langar [Javan], tajug [Sum], surau [Malay]). The langar, or whatever it may be called, of the village, is a centre at which the salat (prayers) can be performed, but it also serves other purposes of general interest. The upkeep of the building is the affair of the community and in particular one of the tasks of the religious official of the village. The upkeep of the other langars, erected by private individuals , is left to them. The building stands on its own site and is maintained by the founder or his descendants. The owner, cannot, refuse admission to strangers who desire to use it for salat or as shelter for the night. Such private chapels are always found near Mohammadan seminaries (Jav. passantren). We sometimes find that these langars are endowned as as wakf (Jav wakap). The village langar on the other hand has a more public character.

The Mosques, i.e. the masjid djami, are found in larger places usually in those which are also centres of administration. Their erection and maintenance is regarded as a duty of the Muslim community. (24)

In 1811 Burchell noted that, “The Malays have also a house dedicated and supported by them. This latter building is nothing more than a private dwelling house converted to that use.” (25) This information refers to the house of Jan van Bougies and Frans van Bengal in Long Street. In 1811 Frans van Bengal left Cape Town permanently and made Jan van Bhougies the sole owner and imam of the mosque in Long Street. This house was then transferred to the sole ownership of Jan van Bhougies. (26)
Although the legend on the door of the house that is home to the Palm Tree Mosque says 1777, that date refers to when the house was built, not when it became a mosque or a langar.

One has to consider Jan and Frans visionaries and persons committed to the religion and their principles. They were aware of that the population was growing and and that the Malay community did not have the financial resources to build a mosque, so they literally put their money where their mouths were.

Frans van Bengalen was involved in the military when he assisted the Dutch against the British. He was the Javaansche Veld Priester in the “Auxillarie Artillerie.” We know that he witnessed the translation of Tuan Guru’s will from the Arabic (Malayu written in Arabic characters) to Nederlands. The original will was copied, by hand, in the presence of Frans van Bengalen on May 2, 1807. The other witnesses to this signature, was a person by the name of Watermeyer and the other witnesses were Enche Abdul Malik and Enche Abdul Wasing. (27)

Frans van Bengal was called a “Field Priest” in the street directories of Cape Town. He was an important personality at the Cape Malay community. He, together with the French officer, Madlener, led the Javanese artillery at the Battle of Blaauwberg in 1806. The other mention of Frans was in the records when he requested to manumit his slave, February 1789. (28)

Frans was one of those industrious slaves, who worked hard to accumulate his savings. By dint of good behaviour and determination and hard honest work to free him from the drudgery of slavery he bargained with his master for a price for his freedom. He was determined to raise the agreed amount of money, which he did and thus paid for his freedom. He continued with this attitude by raising more money, to become a fruit dealer and a fish seller. A few years later he purchased two slaves and a boat and furnished his house as those of other free Malays.

During this time slaves were apprenticed by their masters to become tradesmen. After they became qualified they were hired out to bring in a share of their labour to their masters. They were allowed to keep a portion for themselves. In this way many slaves were able to purchase their freedom.

Frans made it clear to his slaves that should one of them decide to embrace Islam, then that slave would be manumitted. He also made a condition with them that if they serve him faithfully over a specified period they would be freed and given sufficient money to start their own businesses. He was an honest man who kept his word. When the slave did not serve him faithfully, he was told, he would be sold. Several slaves received their liberty from him in this way. Business was good for Frans, and when the English took over the Cape in 1795 he was held in high esteem by the captains at the station, who recommended him as an honest person, who received work for several thousand rix-dollars at a time. Because of his stature as a respectable and honest businessman he made friends amongst the influential people of the Colony, like Admiral Sir Roger Curtis. He had become rich and deserved his honest gains. He was also instrumental in helping the Muslim community receive a grant of land on Lion’s Rump as a cemetery. Frans was often seen, when he was free from his numerous business endeavours using his leisure time working with his slaves building a wall around this cemetery to keep out the cattle that was always grazing at this sacred spot.

He intended to leave the Cape and had thus made over all his property to his wife and adopted children, and was determined to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and to visit the grave of the Prophet Muhammad (O.W.B.P.) He had made several applications to captains of ships going to the east but have not been successful, until later in 1811, when he sold his half share in the Long Street Mosque to Jan van Bhougies and left the Cape permanently.
He married Mariam. At the time of their marriage, which happened sometime during the 1770′s? The name would have been Nederlands with an appelation “van de Kaap”. They had one son.

Frans’ name first appeared in the records when he manumitted his slave Februarij in 1789. He also signed the petition to Governor Janssens in 1794 for a mosque site, before the British occupied the Cape. He lived at 21 Longmarket Street, before he moved to Long Street.

Frans van Bengalen’s partner in the purchase of the Palm Tree Mosque was Jan van Boughies or rather, Enche Rajap Boughies. His will stated that he was a free man and his wife, Samida van de Kaap, a free woman. He was another one of those persons of whom there are many legends generated in oral history and void of documentary evidence. Jan van Bhougies was not White. The appellation “van Bhougies” was used because he came from Bhougies, in the East Indies.

The opinion that he was white was because his house was the first house in Long Street to have had a prayer room set aside as a mosque. Jan van Bougies owned this house at a time when Malays weren’t generally allowed to own land. Jan van Bougies was the only other person, besides, Tuan Guru, in South Africa to have transcribed the Quran from memory. The last page of the Quran, written in Malayu with the Arabic script, indicated that his monumental task was completed after Assar on the 14th day of Jamaadiel Thani (29) in the year of 1218 A.H. (30) of the Prophet (O.W.B.P.) (31) by Enche Rajab Bougies (Jan van Bougies), son of Jafaar Abu Nya Yakiem. The Quran (32) was passed on to Imam Mammat, (33) who was the successor of Jan van Bougies (Jan van Batavia).
The date corresponds to approximately September 30th 1803 A.D and the translation was made by Hajjie Achmat Brown.

Jan van Bhougies died in 1845, at the age of 112. This age must have been according to the Islamic calendar. This was quite an achievement to live to such a ripe old age. His will made in 1811 he described himself as a free person. He was at that time a man of property who accumulated enough money to have a half share in the purchase of the Long Street property, of which he later assumed full ownership. In 1848 his wife, Samida van de Kaap made her will in which she stipulated that the house in Long Street, used by her late husband, Jan van Bhougies, as a Mohammedan church should be left to the then priest, Maamat van de Kaap, elders, and deacons of the Church of Jan van Bhougies. After their deaths it shall not be sold, pawned or rebuilt, and it will remain the sole property of the Mohammedan congregation under the name of The Church of Jan van Bhougies. Jan van Bhougies also owned a house at 19 Long Street, which was worth £300 at that time. This is quite a princely sum of money in 1845. The administration of his estate was ordered by the Supreme Court. The file on his estate was closed on 11th July 1872.

Samida’s will transferred the property in Long Street, which housed the Church of Jan van Bhougies to Maamat, who was the sole survivor of all the persons named in the will, and who was then the imam.
Samida’s will led to a protracted civil case which, commenced on February 26th 1866, when the case of Ismail and others, Imams, Gatieps and Bilals of the said church came before Justice J. Bell.

“Mammat, the priest who was a member of the corps, was wounded in the battle.” (34) He died at the age of 104 in 1864. His obituary, in a local newspaper, said: “He was much respected by the Malay population, and deservedly so, having led a good life, and devoted his services to the cause of his religious calling with credit to himself and satisfaction to those with whom he came into contact.” The age is most probably according to the Islamic calendar. According to the Gregorian calendar he would be over 100 years old. He was listed in the street directories of Cape Town between 1811 and 1834 as a fisherman.
When the Javanese artillery was formed in 1804, Imam Maamat served under Madlener and Frans van Bengal, at the Battle of Blaauwberg. He died at the age of 104 in 1864 and his obituary, in a local newspaper, said: “He was much respected by the Malay population, and deservedly so, having led a good life, and devoted his services to the cause of his religious calling with credit to himself and satisfaction to those with whom he came into contact.” (35) He was listed in the street directories of Cape Town between 1811 and 1834 as a fisherman.

In 1862 Mahmat executed a deed, based on the will, appointing the defendants to be the imam, Gatieps and Bilals of the Church of Jan van Bhougies. However, he gave himself the right to dismiss any of those persons and appoint others in their stead. He also stated that the house should be transferred to those persons who were last mentioned in this deed and who were still living. Mamaat died in 1864. Between the transfer in 1861 and Maamat’s death, the plaintiffs, left the congregation, because of a dispute with Imam Maamat. According to the evidence the defendant, Ismail, performed all the duties of the Imam, because Imam Maamat was not able to perform those duties due to infirmity. He performed these duties with the full consent and support of the congregation.

The court held that Imam Maamat did not have the power to make the appointments by deed. Under the circumstances they were entitled to be held as duly appointed officers of the church and would be entitled to hold the premises in trust for the congregation. The plaintiffs also, did not lose their rights when they left the church to avoid confrontation with Imam Maamat, and were still entitled to join the service and the congregation at any time they desired. The judge also stated the both custom and law was proved that the senior Gatiep would succeed the deceased as imam. Lastly there is no provision in law or in custom that the imam has the sole right to appoint anyone to succeed him as imam.

The dispute in the mosque occurred when Gatiep with the greatest seniority, Hajjie Danie, returned from a pilgrimage to Mecca and started a campaign to change the manner in which the services were to be conducted. He obtained the key to the mosque and immediately excluded Imam Maamat from the mosque. Imam Maamat took legal action against Danie and others to re-instate him as imam and to have the keys return to him. This action resulted in Imam Maamat being return to his position as imam, which restored his control over the congregation. Danie and his congregation left the Mosque of Jan van Bhougies to establish their own “langar” in a private house. Maamat executed a second deed appointing Ismail as his successor and confirmed the other defendants in their previous positions as Gatieps and Bilals. Danie was the next senior Gatiep and Ismail was the Gatiep next in succession. This action effectively prevented Danie from again usurping the role as imam.

He died intestate, only a death noticed was filed. The death notice was filed on March 27, 1871. On March 27, 1871 an edict was published for a meeting to be held on May 9, 1871 regarding the Estate Late Imam Maamat. On June 9, 1871 the minutes of the meeting indicated that Letters of Administration was granted to Gatiep Moliat as Executive Dative with Kaliel Gafieldien, Mishal Kalieldeen, William Humphrey and Arthur Crowley as sureties. The liquidation account was filed on July 15, 1872.

Auwal Mosque:
Saartjie van de Kaap, the wife of Imam Achmat, who was one of Tuan’s Guru’s Ghateebs (36) donated the land in Dorp Street (Wallenberg) to build the Owal Mosque.

In 1811 Imam Achmat and Prince Abdul Raouf took over a three lot parcel of land on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets to build a mosque.(37) The site was owned by Saartjie van de Kaap. Her name indicates she was born at the Cape, because slaves were given names in that manner during the early reign of the D.E.I.C. The property was given to the Muslim community in perpetuity. She was the first female Malay land-owner in Cape Town. She gave the land as a gift to the Muslim community for the building of a mosque. The mosque (38) and a house were built on this site. The house was to serve as a rectory for the imam. Another house was added later on the site; on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets. Imam Achmat in his evidence, given to the Governor in 1825, confirmed the existence of this mosque. (39) The Auwal Mosque is regarded as the first mosque built in Cape Town. At this time it was not called the Auwal Mosque, it was called the Buitengracht Mosque. This mosque was built before 1814. General Craig gave the Malays permission to build this mosque. Contrary to popular opinion, and the date on the minaret, that the mosque was built in 1840, it was built earlier before 1814. It was built for Tuan Guru’s son, Abdul Raouf. However, Imam Abdul Raouf did not immediately assume leadership of the congregation. He only became imam on reaching the age of 40. (40) Imam Achmat was not to become imam after Guru’s death. However, he did become imam before Abdul Raouf reached the age of 40.

The land on which the Owal (Auwal) mosque is located and the adjoining house, is still registered in the name of Saartjie van de Kaap according to the records at the Deeds Office in Cape Town. The above property was first registered in the name of Saartjie van de Kaap on 13th February, 1809.

The properties were originally registered in the names of Douw Steyn. On December 16, 1777 they were transferred from the Estate of Douw Steyn to Jan Minnie, who later transferred the properties to Coenraad Frederick Faasen on September 30, 1784. Faasen transferred it ten years later to Coridon of Bengal on September 26, 1794. He appears to be the first Free Black owner of the property and may have set a trend for the acquisition of nearby properties by Muslims. Cathryn, also a Free Black, inherited the properties from her husband and on his death, became the sole owner of the property. Although Saartjie van de Kaap was already married to Imam Achmat the property was transferred to Saartjie in her maiden name. This didn’t make a real difference since Muslim marriages were not legally recognized. On February 13, 1809 Cathryn transferred the property to her daughter Saartjie van de Kaap.

Saartjie van de Kaap was an independent and strong willed lady who was able to run a household, raise seven children and run her own business at the same time. She has much to be admired when one considers the period during which she lived. The African Court Calendar and Almanac of 1811 listed her as owner of the Preserved Fruit Shop at 2 Boom Steeg. She also listed her as washerwoman at 28 Buitengracht Street. Another listing shows her as the owner of a retail shop at 20 Keerom Street. Her husband, Imam Achmet van Bengalen was listed as a Malay priest living at 42 Dorp Street. In 1821 she was listed as a seamstress at 2 Spin Steeg. Imam Achmet was listed in 1830 at 40 Dorp Street. The information indicates a lady with varied interests and business who was quite an entrepreneur for her day. It could have meant she owned these businesses at different periods, since that the family address was consistent with the location near the Owal Mosque in Dorp Street.

There still exists a belief that Saartjie van de Kaap was White. This was because of the official government position that only Whites or baptized Free Blacks could own property, both Cathryn and Coridon of Bengal were neither, although they still acquired freehold rights and became the registered owners of the property. Both Saartjie and Coridon were Muslims. They were able to purchase the properties and had it registered in their names. The information of the street directories indicate she was a woman with strong business acumen and was continually exploring new business opportunities. This act may have been responsible for her being thought of as a White person. It is rather unfortunate that the oral history and the myths surrounding the acquisition of these sites are not supported by documentary evidence. The other myth is the site was taken over by the Muslim congregation as early as 1794, when Coridon of Bengal bought this site.

Saartjie van de Kaap left the properties in her Estate to the Muslim community to be used as a mosque “as long as the government of the colony should tolerate the practice of the Mohammadan religion.”
She was blessed and fortunate to witness the building of a mosque on that site during her lifetime. According to Saartjie’s will there were four daughters, Noran, Somila, Jumie, and Rosieda and three sons, Mochamat (Muhammad), Hamien and Sadiek. Hamiem became an imam later. He was one of the signatories of a petition to Governor regarding the Khalifa.

It is interesting to note that many Muslims, whose last names was their father’s first name, thus Mochamat became Mochamat Achmat, born 1837, who in turn was the father of Gamja Mochamat Achmat, who died in 1915. This also follows the Islamic tradition but leaves out the “Ibn” (son of appellation). The other problem that one faces with the names of these individuals is that the White clerks who recorded there names on official documents had no idea how to spell them and would write the name as it it sounded to them. Another reason was the standard of literacy of these Muslims. They were not literate in Nederlands or in English so that they had to make a cross on official documents and were not always able to verify the correct information contained in those documents. The majority of them who left estates and wills, signed their names in Arabic, but had to trust their attorneys that they would implement their wishes correctly.

The following letters give a further insight into the problems of the Muslims community regarding the Imam at the Owal mosque.

Honoured Gentlemen,

I fall at your feet and entreat your forgiveness for thus intruding on your time, but I feel it my duty to add a few words. I can declare that Prince Emaum Abdulla, when he became weak, made Rujaap Emaum; who did not live long, at his death Prince Emaum Abdulla made Abdulalim, Emaum. I can also declare that before the death of this Prince, he sent for Achmat, and fully explained to him our Laws and Regulations, which Achmat swore to follow and never alter, it was also the wishes of this Prince – that Achmat would assist Abdulalim in performing his duties, this Emaum being very weak, and that Achmat would not leave him so long as he lived, which orders Achmat observed, until Emaum Abdulalim’s death. At the death of Emaum Abdulalim Serrdeen became Emaum; and at his death Achmat became Emaum. Before the death of the Prince Emaum Abdulla, he said to me and many other of his scholars – that it was his wish that we should all go to Achmat, and remain with him, and he would instruct and direct us in all things necessary which I did, and still remain with him.

This letter was signed by Abdolbazier. Similar information was contained in another letter written by Abdol Barick. (42)

Honoured Gentlemen.

I declare that when I was a scholar of Prince Emaum Abdulla, there was no church for our religion but afterwards there were so many Islams in the Cape that it was necessary to have a church; so Prince Imaum Abdulla made a church of the house of Achmat, which still stands; the second (Imam after) of Prince Imaum Abdulla was Rujaap, and I was a scholar of the Prince E. Abdulla. About this time Emaum Rujaap died; at which period Prince Emaum Abdulla made Abdulalim, Emaum; and me Clerk. It was Emaum Abdulalim’s wishes, that after his death Sourdeen should become Emaum, which took place; and I became under Priester, and Achmat was second of Emaum Sourdeen; so that at his death Achmat was Emaum. All I have to add is that from that time until now, I have never had reason of complain of our regulations. My prayers and supplications are for the welfare of our country and King, and I constantly offer up my prayers that the Almighty may shower down his blessings and prosperity on our Emaum, and all the worthy gentlemen of our Government.

I remain with respect, Honored Gentlemen,
Your humble servant,
ABDOLBARICK. (43)

In 1825 Imam Medien declared that there were two large mosques and five smaller ones in Cape Town. (44) The smaller ones would most probably be houses with prayer rooms. Imam Achmat confirmed this and added further:

I have officiated for many years, and for the last three I have been high priest. My predecessor, who died about three years ago, was the first to have been allowed to officiate and build a place of worship in Dorpstreet, where I reside. General Craig permitted him to erect it, and allowed the exercise of the Mohametan worship. This had not been permitted by the old Dutch government, but General Janssens gave authority for when the Dutch resumed the government, and when he enlisted the free Malays to serve as soldiers.

What number of places of worship has been erected? -

We have two regular ones that are acknowledged; the other is in Long-street. There was originally but one. The second was erected by a man named Jan; in consequence of a separation, he is not acknowledged by us. There are many persons who officiate as priests and instruct the people but they are not authorized to do so.

What number of people attend your mosque? –
About 50 attend every Friday, and there may be from 80-90 who belong to the mosque. There is no room for their families to attend. (45)

Imam Achmat states quite clearly that there were two established mosques in Cape Town; The Owal Mosque in Dorp Street and the mosque in Long Street. The latter one he states quite clearly was established because all split in the Malay community. It is also implied he would like to be responsible for “acknowledging” mosques and imams, hence his self-styled title, “high priest.” One can also infer from Imam Achmat’s statement that the first mosque, built in the quarry was not recognized as a mosque. He states clearly that the first mosque was the one in Dorp Street.

The Rev. John Campbell, who visited the Cape, wrote a description of the Jumah prayers held on Friday February 11, 1814 in the Auwal mosque.

On Friday, the 11th February, I visited a Mohametan (sic) mosque. The place was small; the floor was covered with green baize, on which sat about a hundred men, chiefly slaves, Malays and Madagascars. All of them wore clean white robes, made in the fashion of shirts, and white pantaloons, with white cotton cloths spread before them, on which they prostrated themselves. They sat in rows, extending from one side of the room to the other. There were six priests, wearing elegant turbans, a chair having three steps up to it, stood at the east end of the place, which had a canopy supported by posts, resembling the tester of a bed without trimmings. Before this chair stood two priests, who chanted something, I suppose in the Malay language, in the chorus of which the people joined. At one part of it the priests held their ears between the finger and the thumb of each hand, continuing to chant, sometimes turning the right elbow upwards and the left downwards, and then the reverse. After this form was ended, one of the priests covered his head and face with a white veil, holding in his hand a long black staff with a silver head, and advanced in front of the chair. When the other had chanted a little, he mounted a step, making a dead halt; after a second chanting he mounted the second step, and in the same way the third, when he sat down upon the chair. He descended in the same manner.

The people were frequently, during this form, prostrating themselves in their ranks as regularly as soldiers exercising. A corpulent priest then standing in the corner, near the chair with his face to the wall, repeated something in a very serious singing manner, when the people appeared particularly solemn; after which the service concluded. (46)

Further confirmation was the statement by Campbell was the statement, “… holding in his hand a long black staff with a silver head …” This “staff” was Tuan Guru’s tonka. The tonka is a staff which the imam holds in his hand during the sermon (khutbah). The silver head is the identification mark of Tuan Guru. Since Campbell visited the mosque in 1814, is clear evidence that the mosque was completed before 1814.

In 1822 William Wilberforce Bird noted that the Malays met in private houses and rooms. It appears that this civil servant was not aware that there were two mosques in Cape Town. It is strange that such a well known civil servant was not aware of the Auwal Mosque was built, so that in 1822 it went unmentioned in an account.

The Malays, who are supposed to amount to nearly three thousand, carry on their devotion in rooms and halls fitted up for the purpose and occasionally in the stone quarries near the town. One of their Imams is said to be a learned man, well versed in the Hebrew and Arabic tongues, and in Al Coran, which he chants with taste and devotion. It must be acknowledged with shame and sorrow, that Mohametanism makes great progress amongst the lower orders at the Cape. But where there is the greatest zeal, there will be the most effect. (47)

Bird clears up a very important point, that in spite of building the Auwal Mosque, the stone quarry continued to be used as a place of assembly and a place for prayer. It could also be because the original mosque was still there, and he simply thought the quarry was used as an “open air” assembly.

Tuan’s Guru’s sons, Abdul Raouf and Abdul Rakiep followed their father, but were only able to become imams when they reached 40. A person by the name of Isaac Muntar who appeared as a witness in this civil action in the civil action of Achmat Sadick and Others vs. Abdul Rakiep or Ragiep, August 28 to September 2, 1873; stated that Imam Abdul Roove was the first imam, although Imam Achmat van Bengalen was the imam but had the step aside when Imam Abdul Roove reach the age of majority (40 years). Witnesses also mentioned that Imam Abdul Rakiep was imam at the same time as his brother. Both of them became imams at the Auwal Mosque.

The court case, Achmat Sadick and Others vs. Abdul Rakiep verified this information, but it calls the mosque in dispute, the Buitengracht Mosque. The civil action was brought by the youngest son of Imam Achmat and Saartje van de Kaap, Achmat Sadick against Tuan Guru’s grandson, Abdul Rakiep, the son of Imam Abdul Roove. The plaintiffs, Achmat Sadick and Others, wanted to evict the Imam Abdul Rakiep, because he had become a Hanafee, since he was taught by Abu Bakr Effendi. Although Imam Abdul Rakiep was awarded the judgment with cost and thus won the civil suit. One could say he won the battle but lost the war, because he actually lost the role of imam of that mosque. The descendants of Tuan Guru moved to the Mosque in Main Road, Claremont, while the Achmat family resumed their roles as imams of the Owal Mosque. This was evidence in the book by Bradlow and Cairns on the family of Imam Achmat. Imam Mochamat Achmat’s will stated that he appointed his son, Amienodien Gamja imam at the “Mohammedan Church” corner of Dorp and Buitengracht Streets. The inference is that the present house on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets was a later addition.

The mosque that was called in the civil case, the “Buitengracht Mosque” and the Nurul Islam Mosque, located at 134 Buitengracht Street is not the same mosque. The following information will help to explain the history of the two mosques. The land on which the Owal Mosque is located is designated as Erf #2839. This parcel of land was transferred to Coridon van Bengal on September 26, 1794, and was later transferred from the Estate late Coridon van Bengal to Saartjie van de Kaap on February 3, 1809. Coridon was Saartjie’s father. The other lot, which is Erf # 2840 was transferred from Cathryn van de Kaap, the mother of Saartjie van de Kaap, to Saartjie van de Kaap on December 6, 1811. The mosque site is still in the name of Saartjie van De Kaap, when I examined the records at the Deeds Office in Cape Town. The other lot, Erf #2840, was owned by Achmat van Bengalen. That lot was on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets.

In the 1873 court case , Sedick vs Rakiep (Tuan Guru’s grandson) the Owal Mosque was referred to as the Buitengracht Street Mosque. The mosque at that time was located on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets.
The present Buitengracht Street mosque is Erf # 2797. (48) The Erf #2797 was transferred by JHM Isleb to Jassar Mohamed Saadien in 1905. Erf #2797 was subidivided into Erf #2797 (Lot B) and Erf # 2796. Erf #2797 or Lot B was later transferred from Jassar Mohamed Saadien to the Nurul Islam Congregation on September 30, 1912. On November 2 1928 The Noorel Islam Congregation sold that lot to Imam Gabebodien Hartley. On June 6, 1939 the property was transferred by Imam Gabebodien Hartley to the Trustees of the British Nizan of Afghanistan Society. This mosque is today called the Nurul Islam mosque. The records of the Deeds office show conclusively that the mosque could only have been built after 1912, when it was transferred to the Nurul Islam Congregation.

The Bulding of the Second Mosque

After the emancipation of the slaves there was a definite spurt in the growth of Islam. This led to further efforts to build another mosque in Cape Town. This mosque was built about 1850 in Chiappini Street.
Mayson describes a visit to the mosque in 1854:

There is only one mosque in Cape Town. This large, substantial but plain and unminaretted edifice has lately been erected with the concurrence and favoured by the patronage of the municipal authorities: with an implied guarantee that it was to be used by the Mohametans in common, irrespective of their misunderstandings. It is occupied by one section of them only. A smaller mosque was used before the present one was built; before its erection the Malays performed their religious services in the adjacent stone quarries. There are about twelve chapels or mosjids, for daily service, in the houses of superior priest. Each of these, as well as the mosque, contains a painted and arched recess at the end opposite the entrance, indicating the direction of Mecca; and is scrupulously clean. (49)

This description applies to the second mosque built in Cape Town. This mosque is the Jamia Mosque, located on the corner of Chiappini and Castle Streets, constructed about or before 1850.

This mosque site was granted by the British authorities in co-operation and exchange for their support in the border War of 1846 against the Xhosas. A description of their participation was given in an earlier chapter. Queen Victoria made good her promise of the mosque site as well as the rights to the land area in Faure, near the site of Sheik Joseph’s grave. The mosque site was originally owned by the Municipality of Cape Town and transferred to Imam Abdul Wahab in 1857. The two sites were granted in freehold to the Muslim community under the trusteeship of Imam Abdul Wahab. This mosque, because of the grant of the British authorities, had the British Coat of Arms above the Mighrab (or niche), and is the only one that had the feathers of the Prince of Wales above the mimbar (altar). For this reason the Jamia Mosque was sometimes called the Queen Victoria Mosque. (50) The first imam was Imam Abdulbazier, who was only Imam for a few months. He was succeeded by Imam Abdul Wahab in 1852.

This was the same mosque which Lady Duff Gordon visited on Friday, March 21, 1862.

I had just come from prayer, at the Mosque in Chiappini Street, on the outskirts of the town. A most striking site. A large room like the country ballroom with glass chandeliers, carpeted with a common carpet, all but a space at the entrance, railed off for shoes; the Caaba and pulpit at one end; over the niche, a crescent painted; and over the entrance door a crescent, an Arabic inscription and the royal arms of England! A fat jolly Mollah looked amazed as I ascended the steps; but when I touched my forehead and said ‘Salaam, Aleikoom,’ he laughed and said, ‘Salaam, Salaam,’ come in, come in! The faithful poured in, all neatly dressed in their loose drab trousers, blue jackets, and red handkerchiefs on their heads; they left their wooden clogs in company with my shoes, and proceeded, as it appeared to strip. Off with jackets, waistcoats, and trousers, with the dexterity of a pantomime transformation; the red handkerchief was replaced by a white skull-cap, and a long large white shirt and full white drawers flowed around them. How it had all been stuffed into the trim jacket and trousers, one could not conceive. Gay sashes and scarves were pulled out of a little bundle in a clean silk handkerchief and a towel served as prayer-carpet. In a moment the whole scene was as oriental as if the Hansom cab I had come in existed no more. Women suckled their children, and boys played among the clogs and shoes, all the time, and I sat on the floor in a remote corner. The chanting was very fine, and the whole ceremony decorous and solemn. It lasted an hour; then the little heaps of garments were put on, and the congregation dispersed, each man first laying a penny on a curious little old Dutch-looking, heavy ironbound chest, which stood in the middle of the room. (51)

In my interview with Imam M. Nacerodien in 1976 he stated that the mimbar and the tonga were the original ones that were used when the mosque opened in 1857. He claimed that the mosque was opened on November 9, 1857. He stated that this statement would be verified by an article in the Cape Argus of November 9, 1957, when they celebrated the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Jameah Mosque. Unfortunately I have not been able to verify these dates and the information.

The mosques in Cape Town were built in the same styles as the mosques in the East or in other Islamic countries. One reason for this could be the cost of building a mosque and the financial state of the Muslims. In 1861 an article on “Islam at the Cape” which appeared in the Cape Monthly Magazine, an unknown observer gives the following description about the Muslims of Cape Town:

Their mosques are assimulated externally as near as may be, to the style of Christian churches of the locality, and have precisely the appearance of the ‘Bethel’ of some English country place designed by the village carpenter. These structures are called, even by the Dutch, ‘Islamsche Kerk’, and we all remember that the priests, although they were probably put up to it, as a political manoeuvre, did actually petition the Colonial Parliament for a share of the sums voted for Ecclesiastical purposes.

The original building gave the appearance of a church. The only explanation I can offer for this is that the architect or the draughtsman was familiar with the appearance of a church and had never seen mosque.
A few years later a fourth mosque was built in Claremont. This mosque was built about 1855 (53) the site was donated by a Slamdien for the building of a mosque. A member of Abdul Raouf’s family became the imam at this mosque, and the trustee of the mosque was to be the imam at the Auwal Mosque in Dorp Street. Tuan Guru’s family became imams at this mosque. Their involvement at the Owal Mosque may have ended with the court case of Sedick vs Rakiep.

The evidence of the civil case, Sadick Achmet and Others vs. Abdol Rakiep indicated there was no Hanafee Mosque at the Cape by 1873. The Hanafee congregation decided to build a mosque. On December 12, 1881 Erf #2627 in Long Street was transferred from John Coenraad Wicht to the Moslem Sect Aghanaf. This mosque was completed shortly after it was acquired.

This has been an attempt to delineate the efforts to build mosques in Cape Town to serve the large and growing Muslim population during the administration of the British Government. Starting from a negative attitude in 1797 and developing towards a positive position, with the granting of the first mosque site in 1806. This grant acknowledged the Malays as an integral part of the population and de facto, their right to practice their own religion. Whether it was in fact an open admission of freedom of religion, which it appears to be, or it was an attempt to show the judicious and humanitarian attitude of the British authorities, is not clear. The development of Islam continued to grow and foster, and although it was a common policy of the British to grant church sites for all denominations, the Malays decided to apply for sites to ensure that this privilege applied to them as well. In spite of Theal’s assertion that another site was granted during the rule of Somerset, I have been unable to find any evidence of a mosque built during his administration. On the other hand, it may refer to the site of the Auwal Mosque. This site was not granted by Somerset, but he may have given them permission to build the mosque.

The last two sites were definitely an attempt by the British to offer the Malays complete freedom to practice their religion. British policies during this period seemed to have been more liberal, and definitely a positive reaction to a previous negative position as far as the administrations of various governors, and the Colonial Office, were concerned.

Footnotes:

1. S.A. Rochlin, “The First Mosque at the Cape,” South African Journal of Science, XXXIII (March, 1937) pp 1100-1105.
2. F.R. Bradlow and M. Cairns, The Early Cape Muslims, (Cape Town: Balkema 1978)
3. I.D. du Plessis, “The Cape Malays, (Cape Town: Balkema, 1972)
4. Roos, The Plakaat Books of the Cape.
5. Tuan Guru
6. Charles Peter Thunberg, Travels in Europe, Africa and Asia Made Between the Years 1770 and 1779. 4 vols. (London: Richardson, Cornhill and Egerton, 1796) I, pp. 132-4.
7. George Forster, A Voyage Round the World. pp. 60-61.
8. Moodie, The Record.
9. Ibid.
10. Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, Travels in Asia, Africa and Europe, I, p. 68.
11. De Mist, Memorandum.
12. Records, V, p. 120.
13. John Barrow, An Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798. (London: T. Cadell & W. Davies, 1801) p. 427.
14. Cape Archives A602/9, Book No. 9, Hudson S.E., Manuscript Diary
16. Cape Archives, BO/154, Item 17, Incoming letter
17. Cape Archives, BO/154, item 236, Covering letter
18. It was because of this commitment that the Malays were formed into the Javanese or Malay Artillery, as it has been indicated in an earlier chapter.
19. George M. Theal, The History of South Africa Since 1795, (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1915) 5 vols. I, p. 4190.
20. South African Commercial Advertiser, February 27, 1836. The letter by Prince Abdul Raouf is printed in full.
21. Achmat Zadick and Others vs. Abdul Ragiep, August 28, 1873. and the civil case of Mahmat vs. Danie, 1866
22. George M. Theal, The History of South Africa Since 1795, (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1915) 5 vols. I, p. 419-420
23. This was called the Palm Tree Mosque (also known as the church of Jan van Bhougies). It was called a langar since it was located in the “Lange Straat” or Long Street. See another explanation in this chapter.
24. “Encyclopedia of Islam,” E.J. Brill, (London: 1913)
25. Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa, p. 55.
26. The information was obtained from records at the Deeds Office in Cape Town. The transfer took place on October 25, 1811. The house was later transferred from Frans van Bengal to Jan van Bhougies.
27. The will was written in Malayu using the Arabic script. It was witnessed by Frans van Bengalen on May 2, 1807.
28. Leibrandt, Requesten, p. 463.
29. The sixth month of the Islamic calendar
30. It is approximately September 30th 1803.
31. O.W.B.P. On Whom Be Praised refers to the Prophet Muhamad. Whenever his name is mention, a Muslim would say O.W.B.P.
32. This Qur’an is currently in the possession of my brother Imam Yaseen Harris. It was passed from Jan van Bhoughies to Imam Mammat. It was owned by my grandfather Hajjie Mohummad Ghanief Harries and then my father Imam Sulaiman Harris. We were fortunately to find a person who was able to translate the Malay, Hajjie Ahmad Brown.
33. He was appointed Imam after the death of Jan van Bhougies at the Palm Street Mosque.
34. Eric Aspeling, pp. 16-17. Maximilien Kollisch, pp. 36-37.
35. Ibid,
36. Assistant imams
37. This mosque was called “The Auwal Mosque.”
38. The building of this mosque on the corner of Buitengracht and Dorp Streets has caused some confusion., since the court records of Sadick Achmat and Others vs. Abdul Ragiep of August 28, 1873, refers to this mosque as the Buitengracht Mosque, whereas it was actually the Dorp Street Mosque or Owal Mosque,. The Nurul Islam Mosque in Buitengracht was not the one referred to in the court case. This latter mosque site was only transferred to the Nurul Islam congregation in 1905.
39. British Parliamentary Papers #50 of 1835, pp. 207-210.
40. South African Commercial Advertiser, February 27, 1836. The letter by Prince Abdul Roove is printed in full in this chapter.
41. South African Commercial Advertiser. February 27, 1836.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid. Similar letters were published from Imam Achmat, Achtardeen and Hagt.
44. British Parliamentary Papers #50 of 1835, pp. 207-210.
45. British Parliamentary Papers, #50 of 1835, pp. 207-210.
46. John Campbell Travels in South Africa, (London: Flagg and Gould, 1816), pp. 327-328.
47. W.W. Bird, The State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822. p. 68
48. Erf #2797 This lot was first transferred by deed of transfer # 160 on 28th June 1811. This land was transferred 24th October 1905 by JHM Isleb to Jassar Mohamed Saadien. Part of this lot was then sold (Lot B) and became Erf # 2796 by JM Saadien on 30th September 1912 to the Noorel Islam Congregation of Cape Town. Erf # 2796 was then sold on 2nd November 1928 by the Noorel Islam Congregation to Gabebodien Hartley. He then sold it on 6th June 1939 to the Trustees of the British Mizan of Afghanistan Society.
49. John Schofield Mayson, The Malays of Cape Town, (Manchester: John Galt, 1861), pp. 21-22.
50. Mayson, p. 32.
51. Dorothy Fairbridge, ed. , Letters From the Cape by Lady Duff Gordon, (London: Oxford University Press, 1927).
52. Mayson, p. 32.

The general mode adopted by the inhabitants of Cape Town for the disposal of their goods, wares & merchandise. If a shopkeeper or indeed our principal merchants find themselves hard run for cash they apply to the Vendue Master for a day for his sale which is regularly entered in a book kept at his office. If the occasion is immediate he gets handbills distributed round the town and affixed at the usual places and the clerks or salesmen have notice to make the sale known at all the auctions they are employed at in the intermediate time by which means it becomes [known] throughout the town. On the morning of the auction a boy is sent round with a brass dish to tinkle at each corner of the streets to give notice to the inhabitants that there will be a vendue at such a house and by way of encouragement he declares the goods will be sold without reserve. This is not always the case but when the necessities of the seller are great, and immediate the goods are exhibited and at half-past-nine business commences. The highest bidder becomes the purchaser. Sometimes there are two bidders and neither of them will advance a sixpence more. On such occasions the auctioneer takes several pieces of money from his pocket and cries even or odd. By this means they instantly decide who is the purchaser. The money is not paid at the time of the auction as in England & other places nor is any deposit made at the time of sale.

If the person is known or has any friend who will stand forward as his security he has the usual credit of two months after which period he must attend at an office established for that purpose and take up his auction bills. Some of the inhabitants meet with great indulgences from the manager of this concern who is a man of the World, loves to eat and drink of the best things a good providence provider for the sons of luxury and extravagance. A well timed present procures you another month’s credit perhaps two and some I am assured now let their accounts remain unsettled six months to the great injury of the principal Vendue Master who is allowed by government great privileges in the disposal of this kind of property. When the sale is concluded the Vendue clerk furnishes you with an extract from his Vendue list which is in general very correct the necessary deductions made for the expenses of the auction salaries duties stamps &c.&c.. This upon being presented to the Vendue Master he pays the amount deducting two and a half per cent for ready money and takes upon himself the whole risque of the property sold. Here is the whole proceeding of the seller. But what are the consequences to the buyer?

Many persons who attend these auctions have small shops which from having no capital they gradually furnish by these means and sometimes are very fortunate in their endeavours. Several respectable tradesmen in Cape Town of great property have begun by the same means and now have capitals to import their own merchandise to a considerable amount. Others who are the purchasers come with a determination to buy to enable them to hold an auction in a few days with the very articles they now purchase to raise money to take up their former Vendue bills. To them the scheme is a very ruinous one and which must evidently end in an immediate bankruptcy. They buy dear. They sell at their own sale without reserve. Of course they must lose considerably upon the first purchase thus: with the additional seven & a half per cent which is the usual expense unless you employ an agent and then it amounts to full 10 per cent. This must in a short time swallow up principal and plunge the unwary adventurer in a prison. Frequently there are very good speculations to be made at Vendues.

I have myself attended them constantly for eight or nine years and have many times purchased a variety of articles at these places twenty per cent cheaper than their first purchase from the manufacturer at home and though perhaps not in immediate demand a few months has brought a want of them and they have sold at a hundred and sometimes two hundred per cent profit. The wary old auction hunters who have established themselves by a perfect knowledge of the various articles brought to the hammer and who have some capital to begin with will ever be gainers as ’tis with them a never failing maxim to not purchase but when they are sure of advantage.

The principal amusement of the ladies of the Cape is attending these auctions and (they) will sit mixed-up among a variety of frowsy smells that would really make an English woman extremely ill for three or four hours listening to the low and not infrequently obscene jokes of the auctioneer whose chief object is to keep his audience in good humour which can only be accomplished by the witty slang of double entendres suited to the capacity of his motley hearers. There is a great deal of trick and knavery in these sales which the government would act wisely to put a stop to. They have attempted it but unfortunately have acted upon a plan started by some person who has mistaken the whole business and instead of remedying has only given a sanction to a system of corruption and left the errors of the whole where they found them.

One method too frequently practiced by the sellers is to have several of their friends that they fee by little presents at times to keep them steady in their services who run up their goods to a high price considerably more than their value and this is knocked down to them. The credulous and unwary seeing these old rocks whose judgment they know is infallible become purchasers bid and from one to another the mania spreads and by this trick a tradesman has disposed of his property to a very considerable advantage. another defraud upon government is constantly practiced. all purchases at public auctions above 100 rixdollars are obliged to be upon a stamp of a certain value which rises according to the amount of the sum purchased at one morning or afternoon’s sale. Now to avoid this: the wary buyer bids up to 99 rixdollars in his own name but the moment he finds he has upon his list to that amount the purchases in the name of his Wife his sisters Brothers and in short goes around the whole of his connections of relations & acquaintance(s). By this paultry means sometimes saves to himself 20 or 30 rixdollars in a day which is actually defrauding the government revenue of a very considerable sum annually and which might be easily prevented by permitting no person to purchase for others. another scheme is practiced but that carries with it its own punishment.

‘Tis not unusual for a man to become in the name of a second person the procurer of a great part of his own property. By this means he saves money at the rate of 30 per cent which may sometimes save his sinking credit by enabling him to make a good purchase by which he is assured he can make fifty to 60 per cent but this seldom happens and where it is not the case such exorbitant interest will only hurry him on to that rock he is perhaps striving to avoid. Upon the whole auctions are fraught with good and evil. It always affords a person a sure and speedy way of disposing of his property without trouble & at a certain expense. No waste of time in running after the proceeds of your sale. The Vendue Master takes that upon himself and the moment your goods are disposed of he pays you the whole amount. A person coming to the Cape of Good Hope a perfect stranger having no regular appointed agent will find it much to his advantage if he has no offer for what property he may bring that he thinks to his advantage to accept to try the state of the market by public auction. Here he is certain to have a guide that will be an unerring one for though he puts up his goods at auction he is not obliged to sell them unless he finds they will bring the price he expects to get for them. So far auctions are serviceable. On the other hand ’tis a temptation that has ruined many.

The idea of two or three month[s] credit is irresistible. The young the giddy can herein satisfy their wants with articles of dress & finery which from the shops they have not sufficient credit to procure. A thousand ways their imagination points out to them that will enable them to pay at the appointed time. The dreaded moment arrives no money no friend to advance it for them. The consequence is they have a suit instituted against them in the court. Sentence is past with a long list of expenses swelling the original bill to double its amount. This sentence is given from the Court of Justice to the Chamber of insolvency who put it in execution [as] soon as convenient by selling whatever property there is belonging to the person ’till a sufficient sum is raised to satisfy all demands. This is one of the ill consequences attending credit being given at auctions. Many others may be brought forward big with danger to the unwary frequenter of public sales. ‘Tis in my humble opinion opening a door which will ever enable the deep designing villain to prey with certainty upon the property of others.

There have been some few instances of it already but of this I am positive that were auctions conducted upon the same principles in England as they are at the Cape the Vendue Master would keep upon his legs twelve months thinking he had the wealth of Crossus. Half the paper currency in circulation passes through the hands of the auctioneer who is allowed by government 2 1/2 per cent for advancing ready money upon sales. Though this very money is what he has received as the proceeds from other sales which sometimes remain in his hands for a considerable time and draws out in small sums as the convenience of the owner may require it. Therefore he is making an amazing property by the interest of other peoples money. ‘Tis upon an average about 15 per cent per Year he receives for what money he advances. This I believe is considerably more than our pawn brokers are allowed even adding to the lawful the unlawful practices they make use of.

A great deal more might be said respecting Vendues and their good and evil tendency. These few remarks are the result of actual observation in a long residence at Cape Town. Auctions in the country are conducted in the same manner except it is considered a treat to which people flock for many miles round the country and according to the respectability of the person at whose house the auction is held an entertainment is provided if the company is very numerous. They eat from a clean cabbage leaf instead of a plate & each provides himself with a knife and fork for the occasion as these are seldom furnished by the proprietor of the auction . Sometimes these sales continue a week and those who come from a considerable distance remain the whole time generally providing themselves with a bed in their wagon which is their usual accommodation when traveling from the interior to the Cape Town.

These sales frequently occur as the Dutch Wills generally – if the surviving parties are young – provide for the children in this way. In case the surviving husband or Wife marries again the property is immediately sold by the Orphan Chamber the widow taking one half & a child’s share. The remainder is sealed in the above chamber for the benefit of the children when they arrive at twenty five or upon their marriage. therefore the frequency of public auctions & estates changing their original owners. ’tis a bad thing in respect of landed property as it prevents many proprietors from setting afoot improvements which would benefit the estate and beautify the face of the country could their property descend from father to son in regular succession but when he knows the improvements he makes and which ’tis probable he may not himself live to enjoy and at his death the seat of his pleasures of his enjoyments and his toils may go into the hands of his greatest enemy it prevents him doing a thousand things that he would otherwise would execute with pleasure.

In the Article of Estates selling by auction is somewhat different than other moveable property. When you put up a house or land the auctioneer says after having read the regular title deeds and transfer of the property to its present owners to show the intended purchaser his right to the estate to be sold. The proprietor as an encouragement to the bidders puts in so many hundred rixdollars which goes to the highest bidder. As the estate is run up on value there is a stated time for bidding which they seldom exceed.

When this time is expired the highest bidder is entitled to what they call the Strike Gelat though he may not be the purchaser. As the auctioneer says Mister – such name – has bid such a sum for the house or estate but the owner conceiving the property to be worth much more he begins at several thousand guilders more than the sum already bid and descends down unless someone cried (mine) before it reaches the sum originally bid by the first purchaser he must take it at his first price. But should any one cry mine the former purchaser retains the Strike Gelat and the person who says mine becomes the owner of the house or estate at the price he says mine. He produces his securities, signs the new transfer and within six Weeks pays his 4 per cent transfer duty to government and the business is concluded.

All bonds are registered and lodged in the castle and must be cancelled there which is done by cutting them several times across with a penknife and delivering them to the proprietor. Estates are generally sold upon three payments. The first in six weeks after the sale the second in six months and the third in twelve months. The periods are sometimes lengthened to three years and some keep the whole purchase money upon interest. The clerks to the auctioneers are all sworn in and the auctioneers are obliged to find good security for their fidelity and honesty to the principal Vendue Master – there are as I have pointed out many abuses in this department that call for the active interference of government. Since writing the above some new regulations have taken place. An order has been issued forbidding any person from selling at these Vendues goods upon commission unless they are kept separate entered in the real proprietor’s name and carried to account upon a separate extract as there has been some strange swindling transactions carried out in this way to the evident detriment of the Vendue Master and the public in general.

A person in debt to the Vendue Master by this means secured to himself the proceeds of property not his own and when the law insisted upon payment of his just debts the whole of his merchandise and effects were [taken] away. Now unless he sells them privately all accounts must pass through the hands of the Vendue Master who can assess the proceeds of such sales to reimburse the accounts standing open against him. A new system entirely is much wanted in this department framed upon such a plan as to secure the buyer from impostors and the seller from the many acts practiced against him and his property. At the same time to curtail the very heavy expenses attending public auctions and to prevent the Vendue Master from being a sufferer & by giving him such security that the percentage might be lowered which he might very well do as he has then no risque to encounter which at present is great.

The present Vendue Master is supposed to be the richest man in the colony and from the immense advantages he enjoys it is morally [...nearly...?] impossible he should be otherwise. I should suppose if the English retain this place many alterations must take place particularly in this department and I think none wants it more. Another abuse of auctions in this colony and at the same time an actual default in government instances of which I am fearful are too common even in those circles where one would naturally suppose their high situation would effectively preclude them from such dishonourable practices.

The government stores are not infrequently brought to the hammer. After a partial survey has been taken of them by persons whose interest it is to say and act as these men in power would have them. They find their account in this acquiesence by furnishing those articles they deal in and so become links in the great chain of peculation. At these sales a sample is produced bad enough from which the whole is sold and not infrequently bought in again and I am afraid finds its way under another head into the government stores again at the advance of fifty or a hundred per cent. I do not speak this from hearsay having more than once become the purchaser at these sales of articles no way damaged but equal in quality to those regularly served out for actual service. I do not exactly say the principle in these departments does this but if he has under him ones who act upon his authority and do these things without check or control he himself by his neglect and inattention becomes a party in the defraud. This is with prize goods so frequently the case.

They are intrusted to the care of men regardless of everyone’s interest save their own. I could produce proofs where things have been purchased at these sales & afterward changed by the connivance of the person intrusted with the management for articles of more than double worth and these resold at the next day’s sale. For example I will venture to say that in the disposal of one prize brought in from the Isle of France at least a tenth was plundered of the whole cargo by these very means to the injury of the captors and the advantage of these public pillagers who fatten on the spoil of the men who nobly venture their lives in the service of their country and shed their blood to fatten these reptiles at home who prey viciously upon the hard earnings of our naval defenders.

From such prize agents and their under puppets good Lord deliver us – the auctioneer too frequently has a fellow feeling in their depredations for knowing of the chicanery practiced he makes his advantage in becoming a party whenever he finds opportunity of getting a bargain at half its value he knocks it down and has it set on the Vendue roll in a friend’s name who countenances the deceit because he hopes of reaping the same advantage in some other article. To sum up the Whole with an incontrovertible proof every one knows What the salary of these men are and the manner in which they live which must necessarily take the whole of their income to support their appearances. Yet a few years find these men masters of horses inferior to none slaves rich furniture monies at interest and become sleeping partners in some of the first mercantile houses. I only leave impartial persons to judge how this is all accomplished and from it to show the necessity there is for some wise regulations to counteract these villainous proceedings and to prevent such depredations being made upon the property of the credulous & unwary. Another source of plunder by these auctions is in goods and merchandise sent out from England to merchants at the Cape.

When the market has been found overstocked they have been said to be damaged in the voyage or from some other cause or other a survey has been made by those mostly interested in making a good thing out of a seeming misfortune. The goods have been put up to public auction purchased in again by the very persons to whom they were consigned for a third of their first cost and the shippers have recovered the whole from the underwriters. How easily may this nefarious business be carried on in a far distant part of the world where there are no checks upon such a combination of villainy and that it is so I have had ocular demonstration. I should imagine an agent for underwriters upon a liberal establishment here would answer a good purpose particularly where the person appointed was of known integrity and had penetration and discernment to cope with these unfair speculators. Had that enlightened statesman the Earl of Macartney remained at the Cape a few years all these things would have been differently regulated but unfortunately we have had governors who had no eyes to see no ears but to listen to the most ready way of securing to themselves the one thing needful.

If we may judge from the numerous abuses not only in this but in other departments that have remained unattended to it will be the most convincing proof either of the inattention or inability of those whose duty and interest it was to have them as speedily as possible redressed. These practices by long use become almost sacred and woe to the man who had firmness or honesty (enough) to innovate upon long established customs. He must be above the common stamp of fortune getting mortals. His must be the Herculean task to cleanse this Augean stable – and bring the different departments of the colony into anything like regularity or order to curb the licentious spirit of peculation and establish the character of honor and honesty among those whose forlorn hopes are become stationary at the Cape of Good Hope.

Whilst there are bills brought forward at home to prevent mock and fraudulent auctions and to protect the respectable and fair trader in the disposal of his property it is to be hoped that the same endeavour will be used to check the same growing evil on the other side (of) the Water and to prevent as much as possible the possibility of injury being sustained by those who through necessity are obliged to trust their property to a public Auction – and the manifest injury sustained by government in the constant frauds practiced by both purchasers and sale(s)men at these places. I may venture to say many thousands of dollars annually in the article of stamps only. The ends of justice are frequently defeated by the combination of those persons who are set as guards upon the property they are to sell and the auctioneers.

The Insolvency Chamber undertakes to dispose of the goods chattels houses and slaves of all unfortunate persons who cannot pay their debts. The proceedings are short summary and the expenses attendant on them exorbitant. The day of sale arrives. The auctioneer has his friends who receive his account of those things he has commissions for on the part of others or wishes to purchase himself. These articles are too frequently knocked down at half their value to the evident injury of the man’s estate and also to the creditor for the laws of the colony are if a man becomes a bankrupt (he must) pay 10 shillings in the pound gives up all he has to accomplish this. The remaining ten shillings must at some future period by paid. Though at the distance of years the debt hangs over him in terrorism and is exacted whenever he is in ability to pay it and the Insolvent Chamber generally takes good care to have a fellow feeling with the creditors so that with expenses of auction and a variety of fees and exactions the debtor too frequently instead of paying twenty shillings to his creditors finds thirty will scarce clear him from the expenses attendant on these lawful and humane proceedings. Yet all is carried on with the semblance of justice. The forms are outwardly observed with – to the strict letter of the law but the tricks of office which are seldom dragged to the tribunal of the public escape notice, for whilst such facilities are allowed its officers to act corruptly there remains but little chance for honesty to find room amongst such an assemblage. I recollect once at the sale of some furniture belonging to an American vessel from Boston I wanted to purchase a convenience for my bed chamber of which there were several.

The person who had the agency a Mister T____ and myself were not on the best terms from some disagreement respecting official business. I attended the sale & saw one of the conveniences knocked down to a friend of Mr. Smith’s for twenty odd dollars. This was in the morning (in the course of the) afternoon sale another of these articles was put up. I went as high as thirty dollars. It was bought in by the (friend, agent?) which I thought somewhat extraordinary and happening to mention the circumstance in the evening before the purchaser of the one which was bought in the morning he said: “Yes my dear sir, but Mister Smith is my very good friend and we accommodate each other in this way,” and when I expressed my indignation at such a palpable fraud upon the property of another he was aware he had gone too far without trying his ground first and attempted to draw back with a paltry excuse of the article being damaged. This I knew was adding a lie to the crime as I had particularly examined it and found it a much better article than the one I had bid thirty dollars for in the afternoon sale. Here was a connivance with agent, auctioneer and buyer and I am confident when a man is not upon the spot to see the property fairly disposed of these tricks and rascally proceedings are pretty general at most of the Cape auctions. I conceived it a duty I owed to Captains Folges, the owner of the furniture, to mention the circumstances and upon the matter being investigated the only satisfaction he got was the article was damaged an assertion I had convinced him was untrue. It operated so forcibly on the American that Mynheer lost his credit with the American and I believe it was nearly the last agency he was honoured with.

Another very dishonourable mode is that of the friends of auctioneers looking out the prime articles laying them by ’till after the sale and have them put down by the auctioneer’s clerk at the very lowest price the inferior articles of this description have brought at the sale. This is done at most auctions where the actual proprietor is not on the spot to counteract such fraudulent transactions. These damning proofs I should presume are quite sufficient to open the eyes of those who have dealings with auctioneers and to set every engine at work to put an end to this iniquitous mode of plunder. Where many nay most of the trading Jews are concerned with the unprincipled salesmen and share no doubt the profits of their deep laid schemes of peculation. Every one must be aware how impossible it is to always guard against these depredations however much might be effected by a firm and persevering system to detect and bring to justice these pests to society who leave an honest and fair trader no chance.

As from their successful method of purchasing at these auctions they are enabled to under sell the upright conscientious shop keeper at least ten or fifteen per cent. What a manifest advantage! This is in many countries where the sales are quick ’tis a decent and reasonable profit – against all risks but here it puts an end to all fair speculation and gives the general trade of the colony into the hands of a set of sharpers whilst the honest plodding man finds himself without custom – becomes unable to make his regular remittance home so that in a short time his stock is brought to the scene of iniquity the public auction and he gets his name in the gazette. To sum up the business: their honesty is no match against such villainous combinations.

By Samuel E. Hudson 1806

The Vendue Master, more properly the Commissary of Vendues, was a civil officer of the Cape government and the only person in the colony allowed to sell by auction which was “a state monopoly.” By 1822, the Vendue Master employed four auctioneers, and a “proportionate number of clerks”; see W. W. Bird, State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822 (Cape Town: Struik reprint of 1823 edition, 1966), pp. 44-45.

i. e. slave.

In New York, ‘”A credit of three, four, or six months, is usually given on sales by the piece. . .”‘ as quoted in Westerfield, “Early History of American Auctions”, p. 176.

Elsewhere Hudson modifies this, pointing out that only the English merchants managed to prosper, the Dutch inhabitants remaining the pettiest of shopkeepers, an observation buttressed by other travellers to Cape Town. William M. Freund points out that even the established Cape Dutch entrepreneurs, e.g. D. G. van Reenen, J. F. Kirsten, and W. S. van Ryneveld “all fared poorly under British rule.” Idem, “The Cape under the transitional governments, 1795-1814, “in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1820 (Cape Town: Longmans, 1978), p. 215. Hudson was sometimes a solipsistic observer: what happened to him he often ascribed to some unidentified “many.” Possibly, this is his form of self-justification. An excellent example of this trait occurs in his essay on “Slaves,” when he informs us that generally the slaves at the Cape are well looked after: his own establishment of slaves is the only one cited, see Ray Bert Westerfield, “Early History of American Auctions-A Chapter in Commercial History,” Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 23 (May, 1920): 159ff., esp. 193 et seq .; at this stage we cannot say how many of these findings are directly applicable to the Cape, nevertheless there are sufficient points of similarity to stimulate an investigation.

James Ewart, a contemporary of Hudson, confirms this: “…the females, if not engaged at home, attend the venduties or public sales, which they are extremely partial to, and where they are as busy trying to overreach each other in small matters as their husbands are in greater ones.” Idem, James Ewart’s Journal, covering his stay at the Cape of Good Hope (1811-1814) (Cape Town: Struik, 1970), p. 25; also see Bird, State of the Cape ,” p. 346.

Possibly this is a reference to the Publicatie issued in November, 1805, which prohibited auctioneers from buying articles for themselves by using accomplices in the audience as fake buyers. The legislation, among many restrictions, forbade the auctioneer from directing the attention of the audience to other objects and then suddenly and unexpectedly closing the sale, PB., 6: 275-76. When the British took over the Cape in 1795, one of their first acts was to confirm the office of Vendue Master; they also streamlined the tax structure somewhat; see Placcaat Boek, 5: 15. According to George McCall theal, this 1795 legislation was “a popular proclamation.” Idem, History of South Africa, 1:3.

The Court of Justice during the Dutch East India Company consisted of one chief justice and eight justices. Although this number varied see G. G. Visagie, Regspleging en Reg aan die Kaap van 1652 tot 1806, met ‘n Bespreking van die Historiese Agtergrond (Cape Town: Juta, 1969) pp 40 to 62; also see C. Graham Botha, Social Life in the Cape Colony with Social Customs in South Africa in the Eighteenth Century (Cape Town: Struik reprint of 1926 edition, 1973), p. 16; for a fuller treatment, see Bird, State of the Cape, pp. 9-16 and 249-281; the British administration introduced payment for the justices and reduced their number.

Shortly after Hudson wrote this, the Chamber of Insolvency merged into the Office of the Sequestrator, which, however, was also at liberty to sell by public auction the assets of the insolvent person; see Bird, State of the Cape, pp. 28-9.

i.e. Croesus, last king of Lydia, ruled c. 560-546 B.C., renowned for his great wealth.

Hudson might well be correct. Bird calculated that in 1822, there was 3,000,000 Rixdollars in circulation, State of the Cape, p. 35; elsewhere he tells us that “The gross amount of vendue sales” is “computed to be about 250,00 Rixdollars monthly,” Ibid, p. 45. During one year then, 3,000,000 Rixdollars would pass through the Vendue Office. The amount of money passing through the Vendue Office during one year was equivalent to all the money in circulation.

If we believe Hudson’s title to this set of Essays, the “long residence” could only have been 10 years; however, there is later, internal evidence which suggests that he returned to these manuscripts after 1806, see p. (000).

Bird augments Hudson’s description: “An auction in the country is an important event for the vicinage. It furnishes what is there extremely rare, a cheerful pastime. A wedding and an auction are the only occasions of lively assemblage. The resort of boers, with their families, from the neighbourhood, is general; from distant places frequent. The ladies repair to the vendutie, dressed as for a gay assembly. The men resort to it as they would to a fair or a country wake. “Idem, State of the Cape, p. 346, and also see pp. 347-8.

Possibly this was done for the good reason that the cutlery was on sale: James Ewart, however, suggests the cabbage leaf was not a universal phenomenon at rural auctions “Soon after dinner the auctioneer, who was by this time as drunk as his neighbours, commenced selling off the remaining articles which consisted of little more than the wretched utensils in which the dinner had been cooked and served up.. . Idem, James Ewart’s Journal, p. 83.

In the Cape colony a form of compulsory partible inheritance prevailed; in contrast to the same practice in colonial America, partible inheritance did not result in subdivision of the property itself. This practice ensured that the heirs in the Cape colony sold the ‘family farm’ and divided up the money. In colonial Andover, Massachusetts; land itself was divided up until there were many small holdings. These differences in inheritance customs gave rise to quite different settler persistence rates and geographical mobility patterns in the two areas; see Phillip Greven, Four Generations: Population, Land and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), pp. 83, 130, 230; and R. Cole Haris and Leonard Guelke, “Land and Society in Early Canada and South Africa,” Journal of Historical Geography 3 (1977): 135-53. Entail, which has now entered Afrikaner culture, was probably introduced by the 1820 settlers.

Many rural inhabitants took advantage of Vendues organized by the Orphan Chamber by bringing their own goods to such a sale, see ‘Interdictie’ 17th April, 1780, PB ., 3: 106. Some colonies in the New World also devised such safeguards for orphans. In Virginia, for instance, where mortality was quite high, at least in the first half of the 17th century, the father often took precautions that his children, and not his widow’s husband, would obtain their legacy. E. S. Morgan informs us that; “In making a will, men often named a guardian other than the mother to protect the child’s interests, and in addition, appointed feoffes in trust to see that the guardian did his job properly. Where a child was left without either parent, the county court appointed a guardian.” Idem, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975) p. 168.

i. e. Strykgeld [= bidder's premium]: Botha clearly explains the somewhat obscure mechanism of strykgeld: the landed “property was first sold by opslag, advance bidding, and then put up again and sold by afslag, or downward bidding. The bidder in the first instance did not intend to make the purchase, but rather to increase the final sum. For this service, he received a bonus, or as it was called, strykgeld. If on the downward bidding no more was offered than the price he bid, he was obliged to take the property. The risk was, however, negligible, and there was many a one who made a reasonable income by attending such sales regularly and receiving strykgeld. Advertisements of sales invariably stated that “liberal strykgeld” would be given, which naturally tended to bring many to the sale and also enhanced the purchase price.” Idem, Social Life and Customs, pp. 84-5.

According to Ralph Cassady, who wrote a global comparative study of auctions, this is called ‘upside down or Dutch’ bidding, and is only practiced in Dutch areas, although some fishing ports in England, where the Dutch had traded, also used the upside down system. It is heavily disputed whether the system favors the buyer or seller, however it does, concludes Cassady, save the auctioneer much time. Idem, Auctions and Auctioneering (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967), passim.

Westerfield suggests that much the same process was occurring in New York, only a decade later. In that city, however, there was no limit on the number of auctioneers: “As the auctioneers grew in number and wealth they became a powerful influence in the money market. They were directors in nearly every bank in New York and obtained almost indefinite lines of credit.” Idem, “Early History of American Auctions”, pp. 176-7.

i. e. goods seized in maritime war.

Former name of Mauritius.

Hudson would have been in a commanding position to observe such goings-on, after he became first Clerk of the Customs in the closing years of the eighteenth century.

George Macartney (1737-1806) was born in Lisanoore, Ireland. After being educated in Trinity College, Dublin, he entered the British Parliament, was knighted in 1764 and sent to Russia where he concluded a treaty with the Czar. Between 1769 and 1772 he was Chief Secretary for Ireland. Appointed Governor of the Antilles (West Indies) in 1775, he stayed there until 1780, when he was captured by the French and taken to France. After his release in 1781 he was appointed Governor of Madras, where he remained until 1785. Returning home to England in that same year, he spent a fortnight at the Cape. In 1792, he was sent as British Envoy to the Emperor of China. In 1797 he arrived at the Cape with a brilliant staff including John Barrow and the Barnards – Hudson’s employers, see Dictionary of South African Biography., 3: 551-552.

i.e. money; this is a reference to Sir George Yon ge, Macartney’s ill-fated successor, whom even the sanguine Theal castigates as “decidedly the most incompetent man who has ever been at the head of affairs in the colony…” Idem, History of South Africa since 1795, 1:71 et seq. Yonge was forced to leave the Cape ignominiously under heavy suspicion of, among other charges, an association with bribes concerning the slave trade to the Cape. Hudson loathed the governor, and made him the butt of his “new comic opera He would be Governor”; see “The diary of Samuel Eusebius Hudson, Chief Clerk in the Customs, Nov. 1798 – April 1800″ pp. 16 et seq., S.A.L.

Ellipsis in original.

Possibly a pseudonym, but there were several ‘Smiths’ in Cape Town at this time; possibly though, this one is William Proctor Smith who was listed in the 1800 street directory as “van America”, Eric Rosenthal, compiler, Cape Directory 1800 (Cape Town: Struik, 1969), p. 77. This bit of guesswork is buttressed in that some other Americans were settling at the Cape at this time, and setting up as merchants, see, for example, the Semple family from Boston, in Frank Bradlow’s “Introduction” to Robert Semple’s Walks and Sketches at the Cape of Good Hope (Cape Town: Balkema, 1968), pp. 1-3.

i. e. Dutch appellation = ‘Mister’, here a sarcastic usage.

An almanac is here taken to be a book containing a full calendar as well as information on social, economic and similar topics. It becomes a directory if it contains a list of people’s names and addresses, and in its most comprehensive form it becomes a year-book. The old almanacs and their successors are of great value in research into social, economic and cultural history, because they often contain data not easily found elsewhere. A complete survey of those published in South Africa cannot possibly be given, and only those preserved in public libraries will be dealt with here.The earliest South African almanacs appeared at the Cape in 1795-1797 and were printed by J. C. Ritter. A fragment of his Almanach for 1796 is the oldest piece of South African printing that has come down to us. Cape Town was the main centre for the publication of almanacs all through the 19th century. The most important issues, or series of issues, were the following:

1801-27 (1801 is preserved only in manuscript, and 1803 is missing. Known as The African Court Calendar (De Afrikaansche Staatsalmanak), this publication was published ‘under Government approval’ and consisted principally of an account of the Colony’s government as well as the civil list, the army list and the calendar itself, which was bilingual. The 1807 issue gives a summary of the history of the Cape Colony and has a supplement, African theatricals. From 1815 onward each issue includes Governor W. A. van der Stel’s century-old gardening calendar, and from 1810 a list of the principal inhabitants of the Cape.

1828-35. The South African Almanack and Directory , issued by the well-known publisher and printer George Greig. This was a private undertaking, as were all the succeeding almanacs. From 1830 it was considerably enlarged, and contained advertisements, articles and a ground-plan of Cape Town. From 1832 it included lithographs by H.C. de Meillon of important Cape buildings.

1836-50. Continuation of the previous almanac by B. J. van de Sandt. The name varies, but from 1841 is The Cape of Good Hope Almanack and Annual Register. In 1843 it contains an etching of Table Mountain and an account of the fight of Comdt. J. I. Rademeyer near Trompetter’s Drift in the Frontier War of 1835. The issues for 1845 and 1846 are, typographically and otherwise, editions de luxe, for example in the advertisements, which give a good picture of the times.

1852-62. Continuation of the preceding by Van de Sandt’s foster-son, B. J. van de Sandt de Villiers. The almanac has now a smaller and handier format. Attention is given to new parts of South Africa : Natal , the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, to the explorations of Livingstone and others, and to local events and politics. The almanac for 1853 contains lists of edible fishes, and that for 1855 lists of indigenous trees by C. W. L. Pappe.

1863. Continuation of the preceding by a new proprietor, John Noble. There was no issue in 1864.

1865-67. Continuation by C. Goode under the title of The Cape Town Directory . There are interesting articles on the history of the Cape Colony by A. Wilmot.

1868-97. The Almanac was taken over by Saul Solomon & Co., at first under the title (sometimes slightly changed) of The General Directory and Guide Book to the Cape of Good Hope and its Dependencies. In 1888 this became The Argus Annual and Cape of Good Hope Directory , from 1889 to 1894 The Argus Annual and South African Directory, and from 1895 to 1897 The Argus Annual and South African Gazetteer. The almanac had now become a statistical year-book and directory; it is comprehensive and instructive, and crammed with information about the whole of South Africa. Other important publications were the following: 1819: The Cape of Good Hope Calendar and Agriculturists’ Guide, by Geo. Ross, published for the British Settlers of 1820.

1826: The Cape of Good Hope Almanack, by W. Bridekirk, which contains a chronological list of events at the Cape in 1824-25.

1832-54 (probably with interruptions): De Kaapsche Almanak en Naamboek, by Joseph Suasso de Lima.

1840: De Zuid-Afrikaansche Blygeestige Almanak en Naamlyst, by J. J. de Kock (Cape Town), a remarkable literary almanac.

1850-1926: Almanak voor de Ned. Geref. Kerk van (since 1885: in) Zuid-Afrika. With alterations to its title from time to time, the well-known ‘Kerkalmanak’ has appeared regularly up to the present day. Its founder and compiler – until his death in 1882 – was Dr. Philip Faure. Immediately afterwards the Cape Synod accepted responsibility for the work, which was since then undertaken by the church administration of the N.G. Kerk. After 1926 the title appears in Afrikaans as hereafter.

1927-29: Almanak vir die Nederduits(-)Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika. In 1927 the Almanak was taken over by the Raad van Kerke (Council of Churches) with the archivist of the N.G. Kerk, the Rev. A. Dreyer, mainly responsible for its compilation. He remained the central figure in the evolution of this work until his death in 1938. He changed its title.

1930-43: Jaarboek van die Ned. Geref. Kerke in SuidAfrika. In 1940 the work was entrusted to the Church archivist, Dr. J. A. S. Oberholster. He continued it until 1950, with a slight change in the title as hereafter.

1944-62: Jaarboek van die Gefedereerde Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerke. From 1950 until his death in 1964 the Rev. J. Norval Geldenhuys was the chief compiler.

1963- : Jaarboek van die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerke (Mother, Mission and Bantu churches). Under its new title this work remains an indispensable source of information regarding ecclesiastical and related matters and is by far the oldest South African work of reference in this field.

1870 until today : Almanak voor de Geref. Kerk in Zuid-Afrika. The title later appears in Afrikaans.

1907 until today: Almanak voor de Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk in Zuid-Afrika (later: Afrika). From 1930 in Afrikaans, it developed greatly under Prof S. P. Engelbrecht.

1866-1908: The S.A. Agriculturists’ Almanac, by J. H. F. von Wurzburg-Schade (Wynberg).

1877-1918 with some interruptions: Die Afrikaanse Almanak, burgerlik en kerkelik , by the Rev. S. J. du Toit and others (Paarl). One of the principal publica ions of the First Afrikaans Language Movement.

1887: Deutscher Volkskalender , published by Hermann Michaelis at Cape Town . Continued 1912-14 as (Illustrierter ) Sud-Afrikanischer Volkskalender in Johannesburg. A rich source of knowledge about the German community and literature in South Africa.

1875: Descriptive Handbook of the Cape Colony : its condition and resources, by J. Noble.

1886: Official Handbook: History, productions, and resources of the Cape of Good Hope, by J. Noble.

1893 and 1896: Illustrated Official Handbook of the Cape and South Africa, by J. Noble.

1848-72: Eastern Province Annual Directory and Almanac, continued as Eastern Province Year-book and Commercial Directory, Grahamstown, 1872-78 (?).

1872-1874-8; 1883-90; 1892-93: Port Elizabeth Directory and Guide to the Eastern Province, Port Elizabeth.

1896-1910: P.E. Year-book and Directory, Port Elizabeth.

1888-89 et sqq.: The General Directory of South Africa, etc. by Dennis Edwards. This gradually supplanted the Argus Annual (see above). From 1909/10 it bore the title United South Africa.

Outside the Cape may be mentioned:
1863-?: The Natal Almanac, Directory and Yearly Register, P. Davis & Sons (Pietermaritzburg). A comprehensive and compendious almanac, which continued at least into the 1920′s.

1876: De Oranjevrijstaatsdshe Almanak ( Bloemfontein ). A kind of almanac of public affairs, which two years later became:

1878- 1939(?): De Boerenvriend Huisalmanak (Bloemfontein). Its title was afterwards preceded by the word ‘Express’; it was eventually published in Afrikaans. Carl Borckenhagen was the principal figure in its production.

1904-32 (or after): De Boerenvriend (afterwards Die Boerevriend ) Huisalmanak ( Bloemfontein ). An imitation of the above-mentioned almanac, which in consequence added the word Express to its title.

1893-94: Vijstaatsch Jaarboek en Almanak – Free State Annual and Trades Directory, Bloemfontein.

1892-99: Staats-Almanak der (later: voor de ) Zuid Afrihaansche Republiek. This was an official publication, a complete and dependable annual review of the government institutions of the Transvaal, with a historical calendar.

1877-98(?) with interruptions: Jeppe’s Transvaal Almanac and Directory. Compiled by the well-known F. H. Jeppe, cartographer and publisher.

1893 et sqq.: De Kaap Annual (Transvaal), printed at Barberton.

Towards the end of the 19th cent. the transition from almanacs to directories is much clearer, as appears from the following list:

1891; 1893-97: Natal Directory, later Braby’s Natal Directory.

1893: 1897-98: The Dennis Edwards Cape Town Directory

1894; 1896: Longland’s Johannesburg and Districts Directory

1897: Juta’s Directory of Cape Town

1898: Juta’s Directory of Cape Town and Suburbs

1899-1927: Juta’s Directory of Cape Town, Suburbs and Simonstown. There are further changes of title to Cape Peninsula, etc.

1899: The Dennis Edwards S.A. Year-book and Directory of Cape Town. This year-book appeared until 2932.

1899: Longland’s Transvaal and Rhodesian Directory

1900-03; 1906-0: Kimberley Year-book and Directory, by Mark Henderson.

1900; 1904-05: Donaldson and Hill’s Eastern Province ( Cape Colony ) Directory

1901 : Complete Guide to Cradock – professional and trade directory, compiled by W. Taylor and published by Thomas Scanes, Cradock.

1901/2; 1905/06;1908/09; 1909/10 et sqq.: Guide to South Africa for the use of tourists, sportsmen, invalids and settlers. This continued until at least 1949, with a change of title to Guide to South and East Africa, etc.

1901; 1902-04: Longland’s Cape Town and District

Owing to the growth of communal life year-books and directories became dominant in the 20th century as information and reference books concerning social, political and commercial conditions. The contents are usually sufficiently indicated by the titles. Among the most important should be mentioned:

1902/03 ; 1903/04: The South African Year Book , by S. M. Gluckstein ( London and Cape Town ).

1905-10: Het Z.A. Jaarboek en Algemene Gids, by G. R. Hofmeyr and C. G. Murray ( Cape Town ), (later B. J. van de Sandt de Villiers), the first complete general South African year-book in Nederlands.

1910 until today: Official South African Municipal Year Book. An indispensable source of information about cities and towns.

1911-12: The South African Almanack and Reference Book, by E. Glanville, Cape Town . Excellent summaries of a diversified nature.

1914 et sqq. (?): The South African Year Book, by H. W. Hosking, London

1914 et sqq.: Laite’s Commercial Blue Book for South Africa. A good and popular work in its field. Along with the General Directory of South Africa of Dennis Edwards, it belongs to the stream of bulky South African directories published during the present century, among which those of Donaldson and Hill (afterwards Ken Donaldson and Co., or Donaldson and Braby, or Braby, etc.) are particularly important.

They are indispensable sources of social and commercial information. Mention must also be made of:

1898 et sqq.: The Transvaal and Rhodesia Directory

1901 et sqq.: The Natal Directory

1902 et sqq.: The Orange River Colony Directory

1902/03 et sqq.: The Western Province ( Cape Colony ) Directory

1907 et sqq.: The United Transvaal Directory

1912/13 et sqq.: Cape Province Directory

In due course titles change (e.g. Colony becomes Province), as do regional divisions. So there are now Cape Times Directory of Southern Africa (1964, 31 st edition), Directory of Southern Africa and Buyers’ Guide (1964, 31 st edition ), Braby’s Commercial Directory of South, East and Central Africa (1964, 40th edition), to which may be added the special Braby’s Directories for Natal , Transvaal, the O.F.S. and the Cape, and many city directories.

Since 1907 Donaldson produced an annual South African Who’s Who, with photographs; the title for a time included the words Social, Business and Farming. Since 1961 Who’s Who of Southern Africa, under this new title, has been published by Wootton & Gibson, Johannesburg. It is an indispensable work of reference about people. The following English works of this Directory nature, with photographs, may also be mentioned:

1905, 1907, 1909: Anglo-African Who’s Who and Biographical Sketch Book with photos in 1909, by W. H. Wills ( London ).

1905: Men of the Times: Pioneers of the Transvaal and glimpses of South Africa, Transvaal Publishing Company, Johannesburg

1906: Men of the Times: Old Colonists of the Cape Colony and Orange River Colony , Transvaal Publishing Company, Johannesburg. A particularly valuable work, with excellent pictures.

1910: Souvenir of the Union of South Africa, Cape Town. People of political importance in the Union and the four provinces.

1913 : Women of South Africa, Cape Town, by C. I. Lewis.

1926: Sports and Sportsmen in South Africa, Cape Town

1929: Sports and Sportsmen in South Africa and Rhodesia, Cape Town

1933-34: The Arts in South Africa, W. H. Knox. Knox Printing and Publishing Co., Durban. Photos of artists are included.

1938: The South African Woman’s Who’s Who, Biographies Ltd., Johannesburg

1958/9 and 1959/60: Who’s Who in Entertainment and Sport in South Africa, by Don Barrigo, Johannesburg

Smaller, sporadic publications were The Natal Who’s Who, 1906.

Who is Who – Wie is Wie in Pretoria, 1951.

In Afrikaans there are no regular publications of this nature. The following sporadic publications may, however, be mentioned:

1930: Die Nasionale Boek, compiled by I. M. Goodman, Johannesburg, and dealing with the history, leaders and members of the National Party.

1942: Die Afrikaner Personeregister, Johannesburg, compiled by N. Diederichs and others.

1953: Die Triomf van Nasionalisme in Suid-Afrika (1910-53), compiled by D. P. Goosen and others. A commemorative album of the National Party.

1955: Die Afrikanerfamilienaamboek en Personalia, Cape Town, by J. J. Redelinghuis.

1958 et sqq. (irregularly): Wie is Wie in Suid-Afrika, Johannesburg, compiled by D. F. Kruger. Bilingual.

There are also, mainly in English, numerous national, provincial, and municipal handbooks and guide-books, generally well illustrated. Only a few can be mentioned here. From the S.A. Railways we have Natal, 1903; Cape Colony today, by A. R. E. Burton, 190 et sqq.; Natal Province, 1911; Travel in South Africa, 1921 et sqq. The Cape Town City Council came out with a series of handbooks: The Cape of Good Hope, 1909 et sqq., and the Pretoria City Council (with the Railways) with The City of Pretoria and Districts, 1913. An excellent handbook dealing with economic and social matters, Die Afrikanergids (1942-1944/5) by J. J. Haywood, was’specifically intended for the Afrikaner.

Particularly important is the Government’s Official Year Book of the Union of South Africa -Offisiele jaarboek van die Unie van Suid-Afrika, 1910-60, though it did not actually appear every year. In 1964 it was supplemented by a Statistical Year Book – Statistiese Jaarboek. Since 1957 there has also appeared an unofficial year-book State of the Union , in 1962 renamed State of South Africa. There are also the calendars of the various universities. Another important private publication is the Year Book and Guide to Southern Africa, compiled by the Union-Castle Mail Steamship Company since 1893, of which the 67th edition appeared in 1967. It was divided into two volumes in 1950, since when the Year Book and Guide to East Africa has been appearing separately each year. Both were edited by A. Gordon-Brown until 1967.

Another type of annual, of a literary nature, is represented by the many Christmas and New Year annuals appearing from time to time. Mention may be made, for example, of the Cape Times Christmas Number, 1899-1905, and Cape Times Annual, 1910-41; Ons Land Kerstmisnummer, 1906-29; Die Burger Nuwejaarsnommer (at first Kerstmis Nummer ), 1915-25; Suid-Afrika, 1938/39-40/41; the British S.A. Annual, 1915/16 et sqq.; the South African Annual , 1906 et sqq.; De (afterwards Die) Koningsbode Kerstnummer (afterwards Kersnommer), 1914 up to the present, etc. At the year’s end popular magazines such as Die Huisgenoot and Sarie Marais regularly issue bulky Christmas or holiday numbers.

Today there are also year-books for almost every industry in South Africa – for farming, mining, engineering, fisheries, textiles, footwear, finance, the hotel industry, medical services, etc.

A study of the inventories of the people at the Cape, from 1673 to 1826, tells us of their lifestyles and efforts to maintain good health. When we look into their home medicine chests and pharmacy shops, we realise how they relied on prescriptions from the West, spices from the East and indigenous plants, to remedy their illnesses.

These medicines were found in medicine chests, glass and wall cabinets, which were also specified as mahogany medicine chests. They were also found in a shop as part of the house, or in the wine cellar, attic or an outside room. In some cases these remedies were just part of all their belongings and kept in a room of the house, or, as in the case with Jamilla van de Kaap (1821): her Hallesche medicine was kept in a black sugar pot.

The Hallesche medicine chests contained medicines prepared and distributed by the apothecary laboratory attached to the Orphanage in Halle, Germany, established in 1698. These medicines were well known to the German sick-comforters and apothecars employed by the VOC.
John Fredrik Häszner, a qualified doctor in the service of the VOC, came to the Cape in 1785. In his Huislijk Geneeskundig Handboek, (1793) he lists herbs and spices which he prescribed for various ailments. They correspond with the items in the inventories such as:
Aloe
Alum
Almonds
Aniseed
Turmeric
Camphor
Cardamom
Ginger
Kina
Coriander
Mustard
Olive oil
Sweet oil
Hallesche red powder
Rhubarb
Crème of tartar
Raisons
Saffron
Tamarind
Cinnamon

Lavender, rhubarb, camphor, rosemary, nutmeg, peppermint, clove and liquorice are also listed in the inventories as being used to make the following Dutch medicines: Haarlemmer drops, wonder essence, milt essence, balsam tillie and Hoffmans drops, which formed part of the household items. Spices from the East such as tamarind, cardamom, cinnamon, saffron, ginger and nutmeg were therefore not only used for cooking, but also in the preparation of medicines. The English became acquainted with these medicines through the Dutch, hence the reference to Dutch medicines. John Elliot owned 3 bottles of Hollandsche drops, inventoried in 1823. Häszner also makes reference to woman’s illnesses in his Guidebook. Almond milk was recommended as a pain reliever and saffron tea for restlessness after childbirth. A well known remedy, prescribed by Häzner, is the use of warm cabbage leaves on a woman’s breast to relieve milk fever.

The inventories seldom mention the use of a remedy. One exception was Carel Hendrik Buijtendag who brought 32 pieces of snakewood for gallbladder fever from Batavia (1780). Snakewood is an East Indian creeper and has a bitter taste – it was also used as an antidote for snake venom. It is interesting to note that the folk had several remedies for snakebite.

A snakestone and two crayfish eyes were found in the room on the ‘right’ side belonging to Elizabeth Gouws (1800). Snakestone, often found in the inventories of the more affluent, was imported from Malabar. It has minute pores and a pale ash grey speck in the middle. The speck is held up against the puncture of a snake bite until saturated with poison. Crayfish eyes had medicinal value in earlier times and were used for healing inflamed sores. It was also used in eyewash and in toothpaste. Another stone found in the inventories is bezoar, a red stone found in the bodies of certain animals. Bezoar, a remedy against poison and contagion was taken internally in powder form as well as worn around the neck. An example of bezoar in powder form is in one of the inventories: “flesjes pulvis bezoardicus”. Johannes Henricus Blankenberg (1773) owned a jar with bezoar and 20 jars turlington, 8 jars English bitter, vaderlandse drop, 23 jars essentia dulcis, 20 jars pulvis antispasmodicus, flierconserve, 1 packet fermillioen, 1 case Hallesche medicine and 2 jars salt tincture.

Amongst the belongings of Henry Rutt (1798) a buyer, were remedies such as lavender, chamomile, camphor, sponges, castor, arsenikom albon, juniper berries, bergamon essence, nux vomica, quick silver, linseeds to name but a few. Arsenicun album is based on a version of arsenic oxide which has fascinated both healers and poisoning murderers for many decades. Nux vomica is made from the seeds of the poison-nut tree and is both a first-aid remedy and a long term treatment for many digestive problems. Mercurius is prepared from quick silver treating infected or septic states. The powdered skeleton of the common sponge, a sea animal, produces the remedy spongia, which has an effect on the respiratory system. The chamomile which was imported also grew in the months of November and December on the Cape Flats . It contains a superfluity of volatile oil, is an excellent antispasmodic and most useful in colic. (L. Pappe, 1857:21)

The application of certain herbs also leads to poisoning. Häszner refers in his guidebook to the quacks of this period which caused more deaths with their remedies. There were many instances of ignorance. Many folks owned “uyntjes ijsters” which they used to dig up water lilies and other bulbs such as water hawthorn. Van Joost Lons (1692) owned “1 yser om Hottentots uijntjes op te graven.” The poisonous effects of certain bulbs led to an incident in the Hantam in 1852 – a party consisting of three Khoi, two women and one male slave who ate of the bulbs were seized with nausea a half hour after eating it, severe vomiting and a prostration of strength followed. Wild dagga, sweet oil, milk and everything good were administered immediately. The male slave pulled through, but the three Khoi and one woman died. The one woman who pulled through ascribed her survival to the fact that she had only eaten one bulb. (L. Pappe, 1857:38)
Medicines sent from Europe were extremely expensive and folk in remote parts of the country did not have access to apothecaries. The European settlers were often without their necessary stock of medicines and had to learn from their Khoi neighbours. (L. Pappe, 1857:19)

Consequently many useful remedies were discovered through the use of indigenous plants of Africa. Well-known indigenous remedies found in the inventories, apart from aloe, are buchu, green tea, devils claw and rue. Few indigenous plants were so much in use as the Khoi fig. The juice of the succulent leaves was taken internally and has a soury taste. It was widely used externally for its antiseptic properties. Its fruit had been referred to as Rose of Jericho, also mentioned in one of the inventories. The water in which this fruit was soaked was given to women nearing childbirth, to procure an easy delivery. Buchu in all its forms is mentioned during this period in the inventories: a bag with dry boecko, boegoe brandy and buchu vinegar. Buchu leaves has an aromatic volatile oil and a slight bitter taste used for rheumatism, gout and other inflammatory diseases. Buchu vinegar and buchu brandy are excellent for sprains and rheumatic pains. Vinegar and alcohol were extensively used internally and externally mixed with herbs and spices for several ailments. During Gordon’s travels in the 18 th century, he learnt from the Khoi that they were acquainted with boegoe and they used it to powder their bodies.

Andrew Sparrman refers to the health benefits of the warm baths of the Cape, used in conjunction with buchu and wild dagga (1772-1776). Häzner who owned an estate named Warme Bad in the Swartberg over the Hottentots Holland mountains, also recommended the use of the hot springs for rheumatism, the effect of this enhanced by drinking elder tea (1820).
The health benefits and demand for certain remedies from the East led to their cultivation on our continent. The camphor tree had been brought from the East Indies and planted here. Turmeric (curcuma longa) was also cultivated in a small bed in the Company’s garden (J. Pinkerton, 1814:70). Both appear often in the inventories. Apart from plants being used as remedies, rhinoceros horns were kept by some folk for certain diseases and for detecting poison.

Shavings of the horns were taken internally and used to cure convulsions and spasms in children (J. Pinkerton, 1814:52).
The commercialization of remedies can be observed in the inventory of a farmer, Gideon de Jager, who sold 3000 lb aloe to monsieur Maynier and delivered 2400lb aloe in 1778 to Pieter de Hoog to sell. Aloe was used internally to break a fever and externally, mixed with ash, to stop wounds from bleeding.

A variety of oils were used: Florentine oil, linseed oil, sweet oil, coconut oil, French oil, jasmine oil, spermacety oil, nutmeg oil, juniper oil and cajeput. Lavender water, cinnamon water, seltzer water (a bubbling water containing salt, calcium and magnesium carbonates), spa water and eau de cologne make their appearances in these households.

Castor oil is universally known and is daily prescribed around the globe as a purgative. Catharina Maria Blankenberg (1816) owned a bottle of castor oil, amongst her other medicines, eg. three pieces of snakewood, a bottle of cardemon, some leftover cinnamon and cloves and a drawer with “differente soorten onbekende medicynen”.

Captain Gregory Page (1819) owned 1 jar with cajeput oil. Apart from being an antiseptic and pain reliever, cajeput can be used for lung congestion, an ailment which was prevalent amongst some folk, because of poor living conditions.

It can be gathered from the above (and these are only brief examples) that the inhabitants of the Cape were very much reliant on the spices and medications that were available at the time. But so strong has been the effect on the culture of the Cape that many inhabitants today still swear by the advantages of many of these forms of medication.

References

MOOC 8: 1673-1826, work in progress.
Häzner, Frederich: Huijslijk Geneeskundig Handboek voor de Ingeseetenen van Nederlands Africa, 1793.
Pappa, L.: An enumeration of South African plants used as remedies by the Colonists of the Cape of Good Hope, 1857.
Pinkerton, John: Voyages and travels in all parts of the world, 1814.
Sparrman, Andrew: A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, 1772-1776.
Author: Illona Meyer