The first war between the Transvaal and England lasted from December 1880 to March 1881. It was caused by the refusal of the Transvaal Boers to submit to British authority as proclaimed by Shepstone in 1877. After a period of passive resistance and repeated attempts by Paul Kruger and other leaders to have the annexation revoked, it was resolved at a national meeting on 13th December 1880 at Paardekraal to restore the Republic. Its affairs would be managed by a triumvirate consisting of Paul Kruger, Piet Joubert and M. W. Pretorius. Notice of the resolution was given to the British administration in Pretoria as well as to the governments of the Orange Free State, Natal and the Cape Colony.

The immediate cause of an armed conflict with the British authorities was an attempt by Gen. Piet Cronje to have a proclamation announcing the restoration of the Republic printed at Potchefstroom. The appearance of armed Boers in the main street and on the church square, where part of the British garrison under Capt. M. J. Clarke had entrenched itself in the magistrate’s office, ended in shooting. Hostilities followed also in other places in the Transvaal.

The British garrisons in Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Rustenburg, Lydenburg and Marabastad were surrounded and besieged. The Boer strategy was to isolate the British units in the Transvaal and to prevent their being reinforced from elsewhere. A detachment advancing from Wakkerstroom to Pretoria was forced to dig in at Standerton. Another detachment of the 94th Regt. under Col. P. R. Anstruther was cut to pieces on 20th December at Bronkhorstspruit by a commando led by Comdt. Franc Joubert. British losses were extraordinarily heavy: half of the force was killed and wounded and the rest taken prisoner. Immediately afterwards the main body of the Boers, led by Gen. Piet Joubert, occupied Laing’s Nek, the passage from Natal to the Transvaal. Meanwhile Kruger was conducting the affairs of state from Heidelberg, the temporary capital.

Britain’s first and foremost task was to relieve the besieged garrisons. Only by achieving this could the resistance of the Boers be broken. So Major General Sir George Pomeroy Colley led an expeditionary force from Natal with the purpose of breaking the Boer positions at Laing’s Nek. He had at his disposal soldiers from the zest, 58th and Both Regiments, and was well provided with rockets and artillery, arms which his opponents lacked altogether. Initially his force consisted of hardly more than 1,000 men. On 28 January 1881 Coney launched a frontal attack on the Boer positions from his camp at Mount Prospect. Despite heavy protective fire by cannon and rockets and heroic charges by infantry and cavalry, he could not succeed in driving away his opponents, all of them excellent sharpshooters. Once more the losses were heavy, and the defenders were not coming off lightly either.

Joubert was not willing to remain on the defensive, for large British reinforcements were on their way from the south and the Boers would not be able to withstand such superior numbers for a long period. He therefore sent a commando under Gen. Nicolaas Smit to the rear of Coney’s positions in order to obstruct his line of communications with Newcastle. The British commander immediately realised the danger and marched against Smit. A fierce battle took place on 8th February at Skuinshoogte, near Ingogo. The battle lasted the whole of the afternoon amid a heavy thunderstorm, and under the protection of darkness Colley was obliged to withdraw from the battlefield. Once again the Boer sharpshooters were successful and Coney lost a large part of his force. It was clear that the bravery of the British soldiers was no match for the Transvaalers’ tactics and use of the terrain.

While the war continued on the Natal border and the British administration in the Transvaal had come to a complete standstill, Paul Kruger, supported by Pres. J. H. Brand of the Orange Free State, attempted to come to an agreement with London and end the war. He counted on the sympathy of the rest of South Africa and on the active support of the Free State, many of whose citizens were threatening to join the cause of the Transvaalers. In England, too, influential persons were seeking a peaceful solution of the Transvaal problem, and Gladstone’s Liberal government, inclined to big concessions, would accept any reasonable proposal which suited the interests of Britain. As early as January Kruger had already made a peace offer based on the restoration of the independence of the Transvaal subject to some sort of British authority. On 12th February Kruger once more appealed to Coney from Laing’s Nek to make an end to the struggle and offered to withdraw from the Boer position pending an impartial inquiry by a royal commission. Coney wired the contents of the letter to London and the British government agreed to negotiate on that basis. Colley, however, delayed his reply unnecessarily, so that it reached Kruger only at the end of the month, after his return to Heidelberg.

Meanwhile Coney decided to outflank the Boers by means of a bold act and to avenge his defeats. With a hand-picked band he occupied the top of Majuba, the hill which dominated Joubert’s positions, on 26th February.

This forced the Boers to launch an immediate counter-attack. A storming party hastily collected and, led by Nicolaas Smit, scaled the hill and from close quarters opened overwhelming fire on the enemy. The demoralised soldiers fled, Coney himself was killed, and the survivors entrenched themselves in their camp at Mount Prospect, where they awaited the arrival of reinforcements under Sir Evelyn Wood.

The victory at Majuba echoed throughout the country and stirred up national feeling among the Afrikaners in the whole of South Africa. President Brand was hardly able to restrain his people any longer from entering the war, and the government in London began to fear a general uprising. The Gladstone cabinet was magnanimous and willing to enter into negotiations for peace, as proposed by Kruger.

On 6th March Joubert and Wood agreed to a provisional armistice and the British government recognised the Boer leaders as representatives of their people. Kruger arrived shortly afterwards at the border and Brand hastened there as mediator. The negotiations were then continued. Kruger, faithfully assisted by Dr. E. J. P. Jorissen, had to use all his diplomatic skill to ensure that Britain would agree in writing to the restoration of freedom to the Transvaal even before the Royal Commission began its inquiry. Eventually an agreement was reached in terms of which Britain practically undertook to cede the country within six months, and on their part the Boer leaders accepted limited independence under British suzerainty and agreed to disband their armed force. The agreement was ratified on 23rd March 1881.

The major task of the Royal Commission was to determine the borders of the ‘Transvaal State’, as the republic was now called, and the Boers were obliged to agree to the loss of considerable territory along the south-western border. The final treaty was incorporated into the Pretoria Convention, which was signed on 3rd August 1881. On 8th August the country was formally transferred to the Boer representatives and the British flag was replaced by the Vierkleur, the green, red, white and blue flag of the Transvaal.

Do you want to know more about the 2nd Anglo Boer War?

The causes of the war must be sought first in South African politics and secondly in international politics at the end of the 19th century. Because of their interrelationship these two causes are here treated as one.

To a certain extent it can be said that the seeds from which the war was to stem were sown during the Great Trek. This had as one of its most important results the fact that the second half of the 19th centuty after the two Boer republics, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, had gained their independence -was to see an increasing conflict between the political aims of the Afrikaners and the British. In events such as the Basuto wars, which the Free State had to wage for self-preservation, and the annexation of the diamond-fields, the germ of the development of Afrikaner nationalism is to be found. The annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 and the First Anglo-Boer War (1880-82) which it caused gave this nationalism such an impetus that it was to become a dominant factor in South African politics.

At the same time British imperialism in respect of South Africa was revealed. Imperialism was not by any means limited to Britain, but was a world-wide tendency. Other European powers, such as Germany, France and Italy, were also engaged in it. The result was the ‘scramble for Africa’, in which these powers competed with one another to establish colonies on the continent. This acquirement of colonies was chiefly motivated by the idea that the colonies would provide raw materials for British industries and at the same time would be markets for manufactured products. When other countries also became industrialised and established their own colonies, Britain could no longer consider herself one jump ahead of the rest of the world. This fact was of particular significance for South Africa.

The champion of the British imperialist cause in South Africa was Cecil John Rhodes, who became a member of the Cape Parliament in 1881 and rose to be Prime Minister in 1890. His great ideal was to bring the whole of South Africa under British control. He was to find his chief antagonist in President Paul Kruger of the Transvaal Republic, who became the leader of Afrikaner nationalism after 1881. Kruger’s great aim was to protect the political and economic independence of his state, to check British influence and to prevent British control. It was inevitable that there would be a clash between him and Rhodes, who succeeded, by the annexation of Bechuanaland and of Rhodesia, in surrounding the two Boer republics completely, precluding any further expansion on their part. After that the only outlet for them that was not in British hands was Delagoa Bay, to which the Transvaal built a railway, financed by German and Dutch capital.

The discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand in the Transvaal Republic in 1886 was to the advantage of British imperialism. Thousands of British subjects moved to the Transvaal to try their luck. They began to campaign for equal political rights, which the original Transvaalers could not grant for fear of losing their independence. After the agitation had continued for some years, some of the leading Uitlanders (foreigners) in Johannesburg conspired with Rhodes, which led to the abortive Jameson Raid at the end of 1895. This event not only marred the relations between English and Afrikaners in South Africa, but also revealed to an amazed world that Britain and Germany were no longer on very friendly terms. Germany had already invested a considerable amount of capital in the gold-mines, and besides she had an idea of gaining possession of Delagoa Bay. The Emperor William II was moved to send a congratulatory telegram to President Kruger on the failure of the Raid. This caused much indignation in Britain, and the Government, in which the Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, was a leading figure, was determined to cut the knot in South Africa by terminating the independence of the Transvaal.

It was with this policy in view that Sir Alfred Milner, a convinced Imperialist, was sent to South Africa in 1897 by the British government as Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner in South Africa. He seized his opportunity at the beginning of 1899, when the Uitlanders in Johannesburg renewed their agitation. This time they sent a petition to Queen Victoria, begging for British support. Milner also urged interference on their behalf. Pres. M. T. Steyn of the Orange Free State, who feared that war would result and wished to prevent it, then invited both Kruger and Milner to a meeting in Bloemfontein to discuss the situation. The talks lasted from 31st May to the 5th June. The main subject was the granting of the franchise to British subjects who had settled on the Witwatersrand. Although Kruger made considerable concessions, Milner remained unsatisfied, as he was already contemplating the destruction of the independence of the Transvaal by military force. For this reason the Bloemfontein Conference failed.

After his return to Cape Town Milner urged the British government to send troops to South Africa, and they began to arrive in August and September. The Transvaal government now made further concessions regarding the franchise for foreigners, but these were not sufficient to satisfy Milner. The Orange Free State, as well as the Transvaal, saw in the arrival of the British forces a threat to their independence, and on 9th October an ultimatum was sent to the British government: if the troops were not removed, a state of war would exist between Britain and the Boer republics. And so the war began on 11th October 1899. A few days later Chamberlain stated in the House of Commons that the war was necessary to maintain Britain’s position in world affairs. The diminution of British power, owing to the rapid rise of important competitors, turned the problems in South Africa into a matter of prestige for Britain. She had to show that she could compel a recalcitrant small state to submit to British domination.

John Rowland Trott

Lately every time he is seen playing cricket on the television the Trott telephone in Fish Hoek will ring and someone will ask if Jonathan Trott is our grandson.  He isn’t, but we are, of course, proud to have him around.

Search our records for all TROTTS

Jonathan – or Ian Jonathan Leonard Trott to give him his full name – is of British origins and returned to England via a couple of generations in Australia and South Africa.

The name TROTT is thought to derive from the medieval period when the Lord of the Manor would grant land and accommodation to a serf in return for his services as a messenger.   These messengers came to be called Trott and so the name came down as a family surname.

The men would all have been of a healthy disposition and fast movers, and perhaps this inbuilt quality has come down to some modern-day Trott people.  If you do quite a quick search among sports write-ups you will find mention of an Emma, Harry, Robin, Nick, Kerrod and a chap who plays soccer for the Bush Bucks…  and, we are proud to say, our own granddaughter, Wendy Trott, who is a Springbok swimmer and has represented South Africa in the Olympics.

Wendy is not the only athlete in the family. Her brother Andrew rows for Harvard, her cousins Brandon and Justin are long-distance runners, even her youngest cousin Caitlin, who is nine, plays football!  Our son, John, represented Western Province at athletics some years ago.  Our children nearly all did the Big Walk, several did the Two Oceans.  All our grandchildren are sports enthusiasts.

The South African Trotts descend from a long line of farmers and tailors in Devon, England.  On Christmas Day 1899 my husband’s father, John Rowland Trott, who was a Bombadier in the Royal Artillery, sailed for Cape Town from Gibralter to take part in the Boer War.  During a leave in Cape Town he and his great friend Melville Priday met two sisters, courted and married them and settled here – hence the establishment of a Trott line in South Africa. Trott Family Tree

The Cricketing bunch

Ian Jonathan Leonard Trott (born 22 April 1981 in Cape Town) is a South African-born English cricketer who has played domestic cricket in South Africa, England and New Zealand. A right-handed middle-order batsman and occasional medium-pace bowler, he played two Twenty20 Internationals for England in 2007. Good performances for his county in 2008 and 2009, as well as a productive tour in 2008–09 with the England Lions, led to a call-up to the senior England Test squad in August 2009 for the fifth Ashes Test. He scored a century in that Test on 22 August 2009, becoming the 18th England player to do so on his Test debut.

The Trott family asserts that former Test players Albert Trott and Harry Trott are included in their ancestry. His half-brother, Kenny Jackson, represented the Netherlands and Western Province.^[2] Trott was born in Cape Town to a South African family of British descent. Educated at Rondebosch Boys’ High School and Stellenbosch University, he played for South Africa at both under-15 and under-19 level.^{[2] Image right: Albert Trott}

Albert Edwin Trott (born 6 February 1873 in Abbotsford, Melbourne, died 30 July 1914 in Willesden Green, Middlesex) was a Test cricketer for both Australia and England. He was named as one of Wisden Cricketers of the Year in 1899.

George Henry Stevens “Harry” Trott (5 August 1866 – 10 November 1917) was an Australian Test cricketer who played 24 Test matches as an all-rounder between 1888 and 1898. Although Trott was a versatile batsman, spin bowler and outstanding fielder, “… it is as a captain that he is best remembered, an understanding judge of human nature”.^[1] After a period of some instability and ill discipline in Australian cricket, he was the first in a succession of assertive Australian captains that included Joe Darling, Monty Noble and Clem Hill, who restored the prestige of the Test team. Respected by teammates and opponents alike for his cricketing judgement, he was quick to pick up a weakness in opponents. A right-hand batsman, Trott was known for his sound defence and vigorous hitting. His slow leg spin bowling was often able to deceive batsmen through subtle variations of pace and flight, but allowed opposition batsmen to score quickly. Source Wikipedia

List of Soldiers Shipped to South Africa

During the Anglo-Boer War

transcribed from the London Times Shipping List for July 1899 – December 1902 and the Cape Times Weekly Edition Shipping List for January 1899 – December 1902

Smallpox

The first recorded epidemic of smallpox in the Cape was in 1713 and later 1735 and 1767. However many people seem to forget the outbreak in 1755 which hit the small settlement very hard – a quarter of the White inhabitants died in the first epidemic, and nearly half the slaves. Further smallpox epidemics occurred at the Cape in 1767, 1807, 1812, 1839, 1858 and 1881. That of 1881 was the most virulent.

Typhus

In 1867 a Typhus epidemic broke out. Typhoid is a disease of unsanitation, spread by contaminated human excrement. During this time it was not unusual for people to throw sanitary waste into the streets as well as carcass remains and other unsavory remnants of human and animal waste. The only serious epidemic of this disease occurred in South Africa at the beginning of the century as a result of the disorganisation brought about by the Second Anglo-Boer War. The mortality among civilians and military personnel was severe. Fairly high incidence continues in primitive, unsanitated communities.

A Cholera epidemic broke out in 1869 not long after the Typhus one a few years prior. These epidemics still occur in Southern Africa every few years.

Poliomyeltis epidemics occur periodically in South Africa. The public tends to be gravely frightened of this disease because of the pitiful crippling of children that so often results. The total number of cases occurring has, however, been relatively small compared with the other diseases that occur in epidemic form. There were epidemics in 1918, 1948 and (the worst one) the summer of 1956-57. `Epidemics’ of some hundreds of cases occurred in 1960 and 1966. In epidemic years vast numbers of children became infected without showing any sign of the disease. Such children are naturally immunised, but this is a very risky method of acquiring immunity, as the paralytic form may so easily be triggered off; e.g. by violent exercise or trauma of any kind. Subsequent crops of babies will not acquire such immunity and will provide material for the next epidemic unless submitted to vaccination.

Influenza

Some of the entries for one day (15 Oct. 1918) at the Maitland Cemetery, Cape Town, when the influenza epidemic was at its peak.

Epidemics of influenza or grippe occur at intervals. In South Africa extensive pandemics were experienced in 1918 and in 1957, which swept through the country within two months. The 1918 epidemic caused nearly 140 000 deaths in the Union of South Africa, mostly among the Bantu and Coloured sections of the population, although the death-rate among Europeans was also unusually high. The 1957 pandemic was not nearly so severe: most patients had a relatively minor illness and there were very few deaths. Epidemic outbreaks occur frequently in Southern Africa, but do not present unusual features as compared with epidemics elsewhere, although the illness tends to be more severe in the Bantu than in persons of European descent, and complications involving the lungs tend to be more frequent.

South Africa experienced outbreaks of influenza in not only in 1918 but also 1836, 1854, 1862, 1871, 1890 and 1895. The 1918 epidemic first manifested itself in Europe, where so many German and Austrian soldiers fell ill that a German offensive was delayed until March. It spread to Spain, where 8m people were affected. The death-roll in Europe was comparatively light however, and in Spain only 700 people died. The disease was spread by carriers, and it was soon contracted by British, French and American troops in France. Outbreaks were reported as far afield as Norway, Switzerland, Hawaii, China and Sierra Leone. There is little doubt that ships brought the epidemic to South Africa. At first it affected the ports and principal towns. It was reported in Durban on 14 Sept., in Kimberley on the 23rd, and in Cape Town and Johannesburg on the 25th.

Like the earlier epidemics, the 1918 `flu’ attacked men rather than women, and all races alike. There the similarity ended, for whereas previously the very young and the old were more prone to contract influenza, now adolescence and old age seemed immune, and the special incidence fell on the group between 25 and 45 years of age. The epidemic spread rapidly, following the lines of communication: the railways and roads. Hundreds of thousands of people fell ill, and the economy of the country, including the mines, was nearly brought to a standstill. Coal was no longer being produced, and factories closed their doors. Commerce almost ceased, only food-shops remained open, and transport was more precious than gold. The railways operated a skeleton service, trams ran spasmodically, and motor-cars were short of petrol. In the towns essential foodstuffs were scarce – no bread, since the bakers were ill; no milk, since the farmers were unable to bring it to town. The greatest shortage, however, was of people – hands to nurse the sick, feet to bring essentials of life when whole families lay ill.

At first the death-rate was low – then suddenly it began to rise. Doctors, many of them ill themselves, could not cope with the flood of patients, emergency hospitals overflowed, the supply of coffins gave out, and people were sometimes buried in mass graves. Nor was there safety in the country, for refugees spread the epidemic far and wide. The Transkei, with practically no medical assistance available, was particularly hard hit. The authorities did their best to cope with the situation, but thousands died without ever seeing a doctor. Then, as suddenly as it had begun, the epidemic ceased.

When the colony was transferred the Hottentot regiment in the British service was transferred with it to the Batavian authorities The regiment was then quartered at Rietvlei, a farm on the Cape flats that from early times had been kept for the use of the government. There were two hundred and fifty-nine privates, thirty corporals, and seventeen drummers, drawing rations and trifling pay, and requiring to be clothed and housed. At the same place, Rietvlei, were the seven captains that Maynier had induced to remove from, the Zuurveld, and who had with them one hundred and twenty three men, two hundred and eighteen Women, and two hundred and fifty-two children All these were being fed at the expense of government and their presence had a very bad effect upon the pandours. To those among them who would not enter service the governor allotted locations of ample size at some distance from the frontier, and he furnished them with a few cattle to commence stock breeding. By these arrangements the disturbances with the Hottentots were brought to an end. 

Upon the arrival of General Janssens at Fort Frederick he sent messengers to the Kosa chiefs in the Zuurveld, inviting them to come and talk over matters with him. Ndlambe and Jalusa thereupon sent some of their councillors to declare that they wished to live in peace and friendship with the white people. Cungwa and one of the sons of Langa returned for reply that they would meet the governor on the Sunday River in five days’ time, if he would be there, and that they were anxious to be on good terms with the colonists. 

The governor then made arrangements for a conference with the chiefs at the place of their own selection. He was accompanied from Fort Frederick by sixty-five soldiers and thirty other attendants, and on the way was joined by Commandant Van Rensburg with one hundred and eight burghers, who came to pay their respects and express their gratification that the country had been restored to its ancient owners. 

The conference took place on the 24th of May, on the eastern bank of the Sunday River. The chiefs would not venture into the camp, which was on the opposite side of the stream, and General Janssens was obliged to leave his retinue and go across with a few officers and the burgher commandant. Ndlambe, Cungwa, Jalusa, Tshatshu, and some others of less note, with numerous attendants, were present. Klaas Stuurman and some of his people were also there. 

During three days a discussion was carried on concerning a friendly arrangement between the two races. The chiefs expressed an earnest wish for peace and friendship with the white people, and there was no difficulty in settling such matters as the delivery of deserters and fugitive slaves, the mode of punishing offenders on either side, and the like. But the all-important question of the removal of the Kosas from the Zuurveld could not be arranged so easily. The chiefs admitted the Fish River as the boundary, but declared that they could not cross it through fear of Gaika. They were about to attack him, they said, and if they were victorious they would at once return to their own country otherwise they must wait for a convenient opportunity. The governor tried to persuade them to make peace with Gaika, and after much talking all except Ndlambe expressed their willingness to do so, provided the overtures came from him. Ndlambe could not be induced to say that he would come to terms with his nephew. 

As nothing more could be done, presents were made to the chiefs, who sent a couple of oxen in return; and with assurances of friendship on both sides the parties separated. The governor now issued a proclamation Prohibiting the Colonists from engaging Kaffirs as labourers and ordering that all of that race who were in service should be immediately discharged unless they had been over a year with their employers and expressed a wish to remain.

The governor next proceeded to visit Gaika, from whom he had received a message requesting assistance against the Kaffirs in the Zuurveld. At the Fish River the persons whom he sent in advance to announce his intention brought him back intelligence that they had been received in a very friendly manner, and Coenraad du Buis came as the chief’s confidant to welcome him and request him to go on to the Kat river.

Master Builder of Cape Town

William J. Morris was born on the 11th February 1826 in Oxon, England, and was employed by the Duke of Marlborough as a game keeper when he developed pulmonary tuberculosis during the severe winter of 1856. His doctor recommended that he move to a sunnier climate.

Not long after this William was accepted, together with his wife and three children, for the Sir George Grey Immigration Scheme. In screening the prospective applicants, there were some basic requirements: good health, sober habits, industrious, good moral character, and in the habit of working for wages (as promulgated by Act No. 8 of 1857). From these regulations it would seem that a person with T.B. would certainly not have been accepted, and as the gentleman in question lived to the grand age of 90, and certainly worked industriously on arrival in the Cape (not conducive to a sickly person) the circumstances appear to dispel such a legend.

Standard Bank, Adderley Street

The journey to the Cape was aboard the vessel named “Edward Oliver” under the command of Master J. Baker. The ship departed from Birkenhead on 10th July 1858, and after 57 days at sea arrived in Table Bay on 5th September 1858. Little is known about the voyage excepting 14 deaths were recorded and seven births took place on board. Listed as the ships surgeon was Dr. Fred Johnson as well as trained teacher Mr. Tom Gibbs who were to care for the passenger’s health and education. It is possible that it was not a pleasant journey for the Morris family remembering that the three children Richard, Kate and William were still young and the latter being under twelve months of age.

The majority of the artisans and tradesmen had been fixed up with immediate employment, as there was a great demand for skilled and semi-skilled men for the new railway track being constructed from Cape Town to Wellington, as well as the harbour construction project in Table Bay.

Not long after Williams arrival he leased some land at the top end of Duke Road in Rondebosch, then a distant suburb of Cape Town, and very reminiscent of Wychwood Forest and his native Oxfordshire. This piece of land was developed into a market garden and the family lived in a nearby cottage.

It was whilst William J. Morris and family were living in Rondebosch that on 29 April 1862 their youngest son Benjamin Charles Morris was born and baptized in St. Paul’s Anglican Church in Rondebosch, whereby his father (William) declared his occupation as a “gardener” and place of residence as “Rouwkoop Road”, Rondebosch. Click here to search these church records.

Benjamin Charles Morris's Baptism Record

Richard H. Morris was still a growing boy of just 8 years old. By the age of 14 years and still living in Rondebosch, he was indentured to Alexander Bain, a shipbuilder/shipwright of 17 Chiappini Street, Cape Town as an apprentice carpenter/shipwright.

Although the new suburban railway from Cape Town to Wynberg had been opened to the public in 1865, Richard was obliged to walk from Rondebosch to the North Wharf in Dock Road, Cape Town as transport was too expensive for his meager earnings. However, he was soon organized in getting a “lift” from the coachman he befriended who worked for the governor of Rustenburg House. Richard secured his free lift on the footman’s place at the rear of the coach, where he would sit in reasonable comfort for the journey which took him to the Castle. Unfortunately this mode of travel did not operate for the return journey home, nor did it operate during the winter months, so Richard just had to “jog”.

It would appear that the last train from Cape Town to Wynberg in the afternoons was scheduled for departure from the city at 5pm, but needless to say as an apprentice, Richard was still working at the shipyard. Despite the arduous circumstances of his youth, the enforced exercise proved most beneficial a few years later when he entered into competitive sport i.e. race rowing, especially as Richard was just over 5ft. tall and weighed less than 60 kilos.

During 1870, the Bain’s Shipyard was taken over by Mr. Christopher Robertson, as specialist in sailing ships and wooden masts, and as Richard was learning his trade with three other young apprentices, he was taught the art of shaping a sailing vessel’s mast with the hand spokeshave. The firm from then on was known as “Robertson & Bain” which continued operating in Dock Road, Cape Town for several decades, specializing in the supply of wooden masts for sea-going sailing ships.

Before carrying on with the life story of Richard H. Morris it is important to mention that the Anglican Church of St. Johns on the corner of Long and Waterkant Street had been built in 1856. It was at this church that during the 1860′s Richard became a choir boy and in 1872 a Sunday School Teacher.

In 1876 the Templar rowing club started in Cape Town where Richard and his brother were both members and enthusiastic oarsmen.

The christening of the personally constructed fast rowing boat by Richard came as no surprise by the owners of Robertson and Bain. The name of the boat was called the “Alpha”.

In 1882 the construction of a row of cottages built by Wm. J. Morris and his brother Richard (father & son) was started in Upper Church and Longmarket Streets and were to be called “Lorne Cottages” in honour of the Lorne Rowing Club which was started in Cape Town in 1875 and named after the Scottish Firth near Island of Mull of Kintyre.
On Saturday 6th June 1885 Richard married Helen Ann Lyell in St. John’s church. The newly married couple went that day to “Lorne Cottages” to make their permanent home and raise a family.

Richard and Helen Ann Lyell's Marriage Certificate

Helen was in fact a little girl of ten years old when she first encountered Richard. That was when he was in his twenties and he was late for work and was running along the road when he accidentally knocked over a little girl. He tried to console her, and from this time onwards a very special friendship developed.

It was in the same church that Richard’s younger brother William John married Matilda Jane Altree on 25th August 1886 and a younger brother married in St. Paul’s in Rondebosch on 14th September 1887. It is interesting to note that St. John’s Church was deconsecrated after the last evening service in June 1970 as the ground and building was sold, after much pressure from business interests, for an astronomical amount, and the church was completely demolished to make way for the present modern commercial complex known as “St. Johns Place”. Click here to search these church records.

In 1884 Richard Morris as cox and his brother of the “Templar Club” had their first win as champions winning both “Maiden Oarsmen” and “Championship of Table Bay” events.

In June 1878 Richard H. Morris went into partnership with friend & neighbour Chas. Algar from Rondebosch, who had known the Morris family for quite some time. Little known to Chas was that Richard was to be the future brother-in-law to his sister Bertha Algar.

The first workshops of Algar and Morris were at 39 Shortmarket Street, Cape Town. (between Long and Loop Street ). But misfortune was the cause of the break-up of the working partnerships as the 30-year-old Chas Algar died suddenly on 4th October 1883.

Banking institutions were now playing a major role in the economy of the country and in 1883 Richard Morris landed the contract to build the Standard Bank in Adderley Street for the amount of £32,000 – the two storied building was designed in neo-classical style by Charles Freeman. Two additional floors were added on by Morris in 1921.

Richard made a repeat performance in May 1885 wining the 2 mile race in 15 minutes and 55 seconds.

March 1886 saw the arrival of Richard and his wife Helen’s daughter Kate as well as Richard wining the “Champion of Table Bay” for the third consecutive year.

Eleven years after the death of Chas Algar, Richard Morris secured the construction contract for the new City Club in Queen Victoria Street for a sum of £22,000.

Between the years of 1888 and 1895 Helen Morris gave birth to Edith, Bertha and William Henry Morris, the only son to Richard.

By 1896 Richard H. Morris had become known as a builder of distinguished quality and workmanship and the fame of R.H. Morris had spread. Herbert Baker had met Richard on several occasions and took immediately to this man who built with such fine quality and precision. It was then that R.H. Morris secured the prestige contract for the restoration of “Groote Schuur”, after the building had been extensively destroyed by fire.

Richard H. Morris by 1899 had workshops in both 52 Rose Street and 173 Longmarket Street. In 1902 Frank Lardner joined the staff of R.H. Morris and in 1911 he became the manager.

Father, William James Morris, died at the old age of ninety years on 22 March 1915. In 1919 the company of R. H. Morris (Pty) Ltd was officially formed to cope with the new lumber contract in Knysna. It was from this time onwards that R.H. Morris was renowned throughout Southern Africa for the excellent workmanship and quality in carpentry all starting from old Mr. Morris himself. School desks, church pews and altars were manufactured in their joinery shop for years to come. The items were delivered as far away as Botswana, Rhodesia, Zambia and Mozambique. Along with the desk and school equipment Morris ink wells and stands were also produced.

The Morris workshop also manufactured one of the very few original gramophones that were ever produced in South Africa and which was called a “melophone”. Many of these items can be seen on display in the Educational Museum in Aliwal Road, Wynberg today.

Sadness unfortunately halted joy when Richard and Helen Morris celebrated their Golden Wedding Anniversary on 6th June 1935 and then on 24 July Helen tragically passed away at home as well as Bertha, wife of Benjamin Morris, on the 6th December.

Richard at the age of 83 years old in 1936 retired from the construction industry and handed the reigns over to Frank Lardner. Frank ran the company until 1942 when he passed away. The business was then handed over to a young civil engineer, Clifford Harris. The existing premises of Rose and Longmarket Street were finally vacated when the furniture workshops and Building /Civil Engineering were consolidated and new premises built in Ndabeni.

In April 1949 Richard Henry Morris succumbed to natural causes and passed away at the age of 95 years and 5 months.

This was certainly not the end of an era for R.H. Morris Pty Ltd – as in 1952 the company was given financial backing for the New Municipal Market at Epping in Cape Town by the British Engineering giant Humphreys. The firm is no longer associated with the family. Later the company was taken over by the Fowler Group and is now in the hands of Group Five Construction who have retained the image of the name in perpetuating the fine record of the founder Richard Henry Morris.

Many of the other buildings in Cape Town which were either completed by or alterations were performed on, include the University of Cape Town, Diocesan College in Rondebosch, Music School at U.C.T. as well as many Sir Herbert Baker buildings.

In 1995 when much of this research was done I managed to find a second “melophone” and an original “Morris” desk for sale which ex-Managing Director Frank Wright was extremely grateful for me finding these wonderful company artifacts. Shortly before the final documents were found I also located the grand nephew of R.H. Morris who very kindly gave me the medal won by Richard in the “Championship of Table Bay”. This is now on display in the boardroom of Group Five Construction in Plum Park, Plumstead in the Cape.

Authors: Heather MacAlister and H.W Haddon

(*Pretoriuskloof, Graaff-Reinet dist., 17.9.1819 – † Potchefstroom, 19.5.1901), president of the Transvaal republic and of the Orange Free State, was the eldest child of Andries Wilhelmus Jacobus Pretorius, the Voortrekker leader, and his first wife, Christina Petronella de Wit. Because of the pioneering conditions under which he grew up, Pretorius did not receive much formal education, but, nevertheless, was given some elementary schooling, as his earliest correspondence is in very legible handwriting and shows a command of language unusual among his contemporaries. He was continually adding to his store of knowledge and until an advanced age was still receiving tuition, as he did, for example, from J. G. Bantjes, his father’s former secretary. His youth was uneventful, but he learnt to know the native problem at an early age and when he left the Cape Colony at nineteen, he fully realized the underlying motives for the Great Trek.The Pretorius family cannot be regarded as belonging to the first Voortrekkers, for it was only after an exploratory expedition that A. W. J. Pretorius decided to settle in Natal. On 31.10.1838 his party of sixty-eight wagons departed from the colony. After a call for help from Natal , the trek was left behind on the Modder river and, together with his father, P. travelled ahead of the others to the Voortrekker encampments on the Little Tugela. There they arrived on 2.11.1838. Young P. was a member of the commando that took action against Dingane and he also participated in the battle of Blood river, but, while in Natal, he remained in the background.

On 19.12.1841 he married twenty-one-year-old Aletta Magdalena, widow of François Alewyn Smit. Several children were born, but only one daughter, Christina Johanna Petronella (Chrissie) Pretorius, survived, Christiana and Lake Chrissie in the Transvaal are named after her. Pretorius settled on a farm bordering on that of his father and about an hour on horseback (six miles) from Pietermaritzburg. Pretorius must have learnt a good deal from his father, as Andries Pretorius would not have left his son ignorant of the important developments in which he, the father, was involved. Pretorius was aware of the major principles of Voortrekker policy such as economic and political freedom, and relations with Britain and the Bantu.

Believing that some agreement with the British government was possible, Andries Pretorius remained on his farm after the annexation of Natal (1843), but the British native policy created a difficult situation. While Pretorius was attempting to have an interview with the high commissioner, Sir Henry Pottinger, in Grahamstown (September 1847), the position became so serious that the Pretorius family was forced to leave Natal. This exodus took place under the leadership of Pretorius, who proceeded as far as the Tugela river, where his father again joined the family. There, too, the famous interview between Sir Harry Smith and Andries Pretorius took place towards the end of January 1848, shortly before the British annexation of the Transorange. This resulted in some delay and the Pretorius family were able to settle in the Transvaal only during the first months of 1848, Pretorius occupying the farm Kalkheuvel in the vicinity of Magaliesberg, about twenty miles to the west of modern Pretoria, and about twelve miles from his father’s farm, Grootplaas, at the Hartebeespoort.

Pretorius completed his first assignment on behalf of the government in October 1851. By that time the Basuto problem was so acute that the burghers of the Orange River Sovereignty called for the intervention of Andries Pretorius and it was decided to send young Pretorius, together with a certain D. Botha, to the sovereignty to make an opportunity for an interview between Maj. H. D. Warden and Andries Pretorius, who had been outlawed by the British government since August 1848. Warden reacted favourably and undertook to forward any proposal by the Emigrant Boers to the high commissioner in Cape Town. In a sense, this visit of Pretorius’s helped to pave the way for the Sand River convention.

The conclusion in January 1852 of the Sand River convention, by which the independence of the Transvaal was formally recognized by Britain, caused initially some measure of dissatisfaction to the north of the Vaal river. After Andries Pretorius and A. H. Potgieter had become reconciled, however, prospects for the immediate future brightened considerably and for this reason the death of the two leaders in such a short time was so tragic. The death of his father on 23.7.1853 almost immediately involved Pretorius, as his son, in his country’s affairs. On 8.8.1853 he was unanimously nominated commandant-general in his father’s place, pending confirmation by the volksraad. The following day he was sworn in as such by the interim committee of the volksraad and, when he made his appearance in the krygsraad (‘military council’) a day later, he was elected its chairman by that body.

From the beginning Pretorius showed an extraordinary ability to deal with national problems. A factor which at this stage hindered national unity was the lack of a central site for the volksraad. When the public and the general assembly of the N.H. Kerk asked for a suitable site, Pretorius acted somewhat hastily and informed the volksraad at its next meeting that he had bought two centrally situated farms for this purpose. To his great disappointment the volksraad did not, however, share his enthusiasm and postponed the matter sine die.

In the same way his attempts to achieve unity with the O.F.S. were impeded by hasty action. From his father he had inherited the desire to combine into one large whole the Boer communities resulting from the Great Trek. In this, too, he succeeded his father at a very critical stage, for towards the end of 1853 Sir George Russell Clerk, the special commissioner, was abandoning the O.F.S., and openly hinted that there would be no objection by Britain to the union of the two Boer states. Pretorius wished to use this opportunity to share in the discussions on the British withdrawal, but this was not granted. His ideals were shared by many in the O.F.S. and were expressed by the provisional government on the day after independence had been declared. The first elected volksraad of the O.F.S. subscribed to the ideal of union by sending Paul Bester and M. Wessels to the Transvaal in June 1854. They were the bearers of a document which they placed before the Transvaal volksraad at Rustenburg and which could be interpreted as indicating that the O.F.S. was thinking in terms of union.

Although this fitted in perfectly with Pretorius’s projects, he was not in a position to carry the matter any further. Within the Transvaal new groups were developing. This not only frustrated Pretorius’s plans for amalgamating with the O.F.S., but also delayed the much more important task he had set himself: to provide a constitution for a Transvaal republic. This is to a certain extent attributable to the arrival in May 1853 of the Rev. Dirk van der Hoff as the Transvaal ‘s first minister of religion. Instead of consolidating the republic this event caused internal tension and the formation of dissenting religious groups.

When, initially, the Transvaal succeeded in obtaining a minister, assistance was promised from the Cape Colony on condition that the Transvaal parishes would be incorporated in the Cape synod of the N.G. Kerk. This condition was accepted but scarcely a week later, on the arrival of the Rev. Van der Hoff, the consistory of Potchefstroom decided, with Pretorius’s moral support, to contest incorporation in the Cape synod. This resolution was confirmed by the volksraad at its sitting in Rustenburg (August 1853), in the absence of the representatives from Lydenburg. Scarcely a month later, at a meeting of the full volksraad in Lydenburg, the resolutions of the previous meeting were endorsed, except that renouncing the Cape synod. In this matter the Lydenburg section wished provisionally to temporize. Notwithstanding this, the breach with the Cape synod was ratified (November 1853) in the presence of the Lydenburg representatives. On the surface all seemed well and the Transvaal, as far as church affairs were concerned, was apparently a unified whole.

Unfortunately J. A. Smellekamp made his appearance in Lydenburg at this stage and the personal feud between him and the Rev. Van der Hoff spread so widely that the whole of the Transvaal was involved. Ultimately Smellekamp was reprimanded and fined by the volksraad and, on his failure to pay, was banished from the republic. This, however, happened only after the krygsraad, of which Pretorius was chairman, had stepped in and taken the Rev. Van der Hoff under its protection at the consistory’s request.

Here Pretorius was not a statesman, and allowed himself to be involved in a personal feud. The old Transvaal differences between east and west, already obvious in the days of Andries Pretorius, were revived. The Lydenburg faction headed by H. T. Bührmann, blamed Pretorius for his actions but at the same time held the Rev. Van der Hoff responsible for Smellekamp’s banishment. It was contended that the best way of demonstrating disapproval was for Lydenburg to call its own minister and again to seek its inclusion in the Cape synod. Thus the authority of the volksraad was challenged and the unity of the state destroyed.

During these troubles (September 1854) Pretorius was paying the O.F.S. a friendly visit, and although in certain quarters this visit was associated with sinister motives, it proved a success. On his return, and before he could consider the grievances of Lydenburg, the shocking murder of Field-Cornet Hermanus Potgieter took place. Throughout the Transvaal native truculence flared up and even the people of the western Transvaal were forced to gather in laers for safety. Because of this and, in February 1855, a serious outbreak of lung sickness which paralysed normal transport, it was impossible to summon the volksraad and, in effect, the country was for some time without a government.

Only approximately a year after the previous meeting of the volksraad, which had ended on a comparatively minor note, was a session arranged (1.6.1855). Again there was dissension because of the presence of Jacobus Stuart, who was seeking only his own advancement, and in this was opposed by Lydenburg. To eliminate Lydenburg’s opposition Stuart formulated a case against the Lydenburg representatives, basing it on their actions in connection with the Cape synod. He skilfully involved Pretorius and succeeded in having the Lydenburg representatives declared unfit to hold any public position. Because of his own actions Pretorius became more and more deeply involved in quarrels that were to make his personal position almost unbearable.

The presence of Stuart was, nevertheless, not without its significance. As a result of his efforts a commission was nominated in September 1855 to prepare a draft constitution for the state. Pretorius, not a member, enthusiastically supported the commission and pleaded for acceptance by the volksraad of the draft bill; this, in fact, took place in Potchefstroom in November 1855. This constitution formed the basis for Pretorius’s election as provisional state president on 15.11.1855. A few days later the volksraad showed further signs of its support by approving the establishment of a village on the two farms that P. had bought more than two years before and stipulating that it should be named Pretoria after his father.

Unfortunately there was as yet no national unity, as the support that Pretorius enjoyed came from only a part of the community. The Lydenburg section displayed a chilly indifference, while Stephanus Schoeman, who was in control at Soutpansberg after the death of Pieter Johannes Potgieter, also rejected the new constitution.

Thus, notwithstanding its constitution, the Transvaal was still more or less without a government in March 1855. The course of events had, however, convinced Pretorius of his blunders and in a spirit of sincere remorse he strove to achieve reconciliation with Schoeman and Lydenburg. Because of his efforts a representative meeting was held at Potchefstroom in December 1856. A new constitution, based on Stuart’s draft, was prepared and provision was made for a state president and an executive council. As prematurely as on the previous occasion, Pretorius was again elected state president and Schoeman, although absent, commandant-general. Pretorius was sworn in on 6.1.1857 and on that same day the new flag, the Vierkleur, designed by the Rev. Van der Hoff, was officially hoisted for the first time.

In this way a major ambition of Pretorius’s was realized: the state had a constitution and, theoretically, had sound foundations. Feelings were, however, mixed at this time, as Lydenburg broke away from the republic on 17.12.1856 and Schoeman ignored the resolutions of the national assembly.

With this as the background Pretorius committed the greatest political blunder of his career. In the O.F.S. Pres. J. N. Boshof. accepted the so-called citizenship act to consolidate his country against the rest of the world but at the same time he embarrassed Transvaal burghers with property in the O.F.S. The interim volksraad committee of the western Transvaal consequently sent M. A. Goetz and Pretorius to the O.F.S. amicably to discuss the matter with the government. Pretorius hastily left for Bloemfontein without making an effort at reconciliation with Schoeman, who was declared a rebel during Pretorius’s absence and, in turn, blockaded the whole of the northern Transvaal.

Pretorius’s visit to the O.F.S. developed into an awkward attempt at amalgamating the two republics. Encouraged by supporters in the O.F.S. he, without justification, claimed the O.F.S., but this claim was contemptuously rejected by Boshof. Pretorius was forced to beat a retreat in somewhat humiliating fashion, but not before dangerous threats had been made on both sides.

After a hasty return to Potchefstroom Pretorius visited Natal to negotiate common boundaries, but his absence did not calm ruffled feelings. Boshof, in particular, was nervous and did everything in his power to isolate Pretorius while he himself tried to contact Pretorius’s enemies, Schoeman and the Lydenburg section. During Pretorius’s absence his lieutenants compromised him through their clumsy and dangerous handling of Boshof, acting without Pretorius’s knowledge or assistance. In this way they made an awkward situation even more difficult. This quarrel almost led to an armed clash when burghers were called to arms on either side of the Vaal and two commandos faced each other on the Renoster river (25.5.1857). Sound common sense, however, won the day and the breach was healed when, on 1.6.1857, Pretorius recognized the O.F.S. government and territory.

Peace between Pretorius and the O.F.S. to some extent checkmated his Transvaal opponents and left the political initiative in his hands. During the following few months Pretorius for the first time showed signs of diplomatic skill. The blockade of Soutpansberg was raised, the proclamation against Schoeman was revoked, and an agreement was entered into with him (1.7.1857) whereby all disputes would be referred to an independent court which would sit at Rustenburg in November 1857. When, in spite of the agreement, Schoeman sought the active support of Lydenburg in connection with the court case, Pretorius acted quickly and four days before Schoeman and Lydenburg reached an agreement he proposed a compromise with Lydenburg to the volksraad. As the volksraad was enthusiastic, Pretorius invited Lydenburg to a discussion that would coincide with the court session. When, at Schoeman’s request, the session was postponed until the following year, Pretorius took the opportunity of sending a delegation to Lydenburg and subsequently receiving a Lydenburg deputation at Potchefstroom (21.2.1857). There Pretorius was contrite; he admitted complicity in the Smellekamp case and in the condemnation of the Lydenburg members of the volksraad. In this way he cleared the air and managed to effect a reconciliation. Instead of being an enemy Lydenburg was more likely to be an ally against Schoeman at the pending session of the court. At court developments proved unsatisfactory. Both parties clearly indicated that they would not accept an unfavourable verdict, the court was dissolved, and the respective military councils took over. A commission of twelve was nominated to review the laws of the land. The outcome of the commission’s work, which was completed on 13.2.1858, was a complete victory for Pretorius Practically unaltered, the 1856 constitution was accepted as the law of the land. For the third time Pretorius was elected as state president, while Schoeman on this occasion accepted the post of commandant-general.

After this major success it was a suitable time for Pretorius to continue with his plans for reunion with Lydenburg. Before this could be achieved, however, clashes between the O.F.S. and the Basuto compelled Pretorius to visit the O.F.S. once again. The O.F.S. was in such a predicament that amalgamation with the Transvaal could have followed Pretorius’s approaches, if, as Britain’s representative, Sir George Grey had not prevented it by threatening the possible suspension of the conventions of Sand river and Bloemfontein.

While Pretorius was away in the O.F.S. relations with Lydenburg deteriorated because of the divided loyalty of Utrecht. While the territory as a whole joined Lydenburg (8.5.1858), a group of inhabitants remained loyal to Pretorius He initiated a meeting between the executive councils of Lydenburg and the T.R. on the farm Onspoed (26.2.1859). A joint commission under his leadership was sent to Utrecht and satisfactorily solved the difficulties there.

Thus reunion was only a question of time. At Onspoed a basis had been initiated and was completed on 24.11.1859. Pretorius was the leading figure in these negotiations and was generous enough to admit past mistakes and to correct them. Although he made concessions on numerous points, Lydenburg joined the unified state on the basis of his constitution and took part in the session at Pretoria, on 4.4.1860, of the first combined volksraad.

Meanwhile, on 12.12.1859, Pretorius was also elected state president of the O.F.S. by an overwhelming majority, after the resignation of Boshof. The Transvaal volksraad granted Pretorius six months’ leave, but on 9.4.1860, after a report that Pretorius had been sworn in as state president of the O.F.S., decided to suspend him as state president until September. Pretorius took umbrage at this and concluded that the dual presidency was not supported by the Transvaal. Convinced that the O.F.S. needed his assistance more, he, on 15.9.1860, requested his honourable discharge as president of the T.R. and left for Bloemfontein. As president of the O.F.S. for almost three years he did splendid work. With great skill he brought several rebellious native chiefs to heel, and, with Moshweshwe especially, he ratified a boundary advantageous to the O.F.S. He examined the critical financial position of the O.F.S. and introduced limited, but profitable reforms. As a result of his interest education also benefited. The complete political chaos which developed in the Transvaal after his departure, however, prevented him from giving his undivided attention to the O.F.S.

Things came to such a pass in the Transvaal that he resigned as president of the O.F.S. on 1.10.1862, but subsequently allowed himself to be persuaded to withdraw his resignation and to proceed to the Transvaal on two months’ leave. But he arrived too late to avert a clash between the Staatsleger (‘state army’) and Volksleger (‘people’s army’), though he did his utmost to calm their feelings. As Pretorius had identified himself with the rebels in this civil strife he was, however, not acceptable to the Staatsleger as a mediator. Because of rumours that his life was threatened, he retired to the O.F.S. with the rebel leader, Stephanus Schoeman. Following an urgent request he returned to the Transvaal, where, on 24.11.1862, he acted as chairman at a meeting between the warring factions. There it was decided to refer all disputes to a special court. When hostilities broke out once again after the temporary peace, Pretorius again resigned as president of the O.F.S. (5.3.1863), but allowed himself to be persuaded a second time to withdraw his resignation. On being granted special leave he left for Potchefstroom, where he finally resigned as state president of the O.F.S. (15.4.1863).

Pretorius’s desire for a calm, quiet life was not to be granted. The extraordinary court session of January 1863 ruled that a state president should be elected. Pretorius was nominated, but W. C. Janse van Rensburg was elected. As irregularities had, however, occurred, another election was held on 1.10.1863. Van Rensburg again obtained a majority, but continued rumours of tampering with the ballot papers moved Comdt. Jan Willem Viljoen, of the western Transvaal, to advance with a commando that clashed with the Staatsleger on the Crocodile river (5.1.1864). Blood was shed; this catastrophe brought all the parties to their senses, and peace was made, a new presidential election was announced, and on 29.3.1864 Pretorius was again elected.

On his readmittance to the government of the T.R. he found many problems awaiting him. The most urgent was undoubtedly the dismal economic position, which had been gravely damaged by the civil strife. To improve the country’s financial position it had, in 1855 and 1857, been considered, under Pretorius’s leadership, whether, with state-owned land as its backing, paper money should be issued. Nothing, however, came of this idea. At the time of the civil war, when the treasury was quite empty, Schoeman was compelled to issue mandaten , which, without security, had no value as currency. To save the situation Pretorius persuaded the volksraad in June 1865 to issue paper money and to recall all mandaten. The appearance of paper money did not solve the problem as the security was insufficient and forgeries often occurred. In April 1866 the volksraad decided to issue new notes in British currency, while it was decided in 1870 to have these banknotes printed on proper banknote paper in Britain. The issuing of paper money was, to a great extent, only a temporary measure to save the national economy, and more constructive measures were considered under Pretorius’s leadership. Because of his ignorance of economic matters the initiative usually came from others, but he seized on new possibilities for development with surprising comprehension. Alexander McCorkindale’s schemes played an important part in this connection. Since 1864 the government had concluded with him arrangements such as the settlement of immigrants in Nieuw Schotland (New Scotland) in the eastern Transvaal, industrial development, a river route to the East coast, a harbour and a commercial bank, but these projects had not yet come to anything by 1871. Pretorius exerted himself to get citizens of the republic to take the lead in economic matters. He set an example when he suggested the possibility of coffee production to the volksraad after he had paid a visit to the Soutpansberg. Because of his zeal a large number of concessions were granted, but not much was effected. In 1866 several agreements were entered into between Pretorius and burghers of the republic, the intention being to establish an agricultural and animal husbandry company, a mining company, and a land and immigration company.

Internationally Pretorius was successful in getting the republic recognized as an independent state by Holland (29.10.1869), France (29.11.1869), Belgium (17.12.1869), the United States of America (19.11.1870) and Germany (29.1A 871). In return Pretorius appointed representatives abroad with well-disposed powers. Consulates were established in Britain, Ireland and Antwerp. Pretorius also strove for peaceful relations with neighbouring states and for this purpose consuls were appointed in Natal and the Cape Colony.

With Britain, however, no permanent peace appeared to be possible. The convention policy of 1852 was, in course of time, regarded in Britain as a mistake and pressure was exerted to bring the British government to change its views. The accusation that slavery was being practised in the Transvaal Pretorius successfully refuted, but could not free himself from the economic stranglehold of the British colonial harbours in Natal and in the Cape Colony. His claim to part of the customs duties on goods going to the Transvaal was blandly refused. Because of this the Transvaal began to turn to its Portuguese neighbour and tried to find its own harbour. In 1861 an unsuccessful effort had been made to obtain St Lucia bay for this purpose. When McCorkindale’s ambitious scheme of 1867 came to nothing, Pretorius himself acted. Convinced that the southern section of Delagoa bay, into which the partly navigable Maputa river flowed, was no man’s land, he, on 29.4.1868, extended the boundaries of the Transvaal so as to include the Maputa river up to where it flows into the Indian ocean. By proclamation he extended the boundaries of the republic as far as Lake Ngami in the west.

These annexations immediately roused Britain and Portugal, but with totally different results. Britain maintained that Pretorius’s actions menaced her supremacy and replied with threats and counter-demonstrations which weakened a relationship already strained. Discussions with the Portuguese were, on the contrary, quite friendly, and a permanent agreement was reached on 29.7.1869: a ‘treaty of peace, friendship, trade and frontiers’ was concluded between the republic and Portugal.

The demands created by these circumstances became, in the long run, too exacting for Pretorius. At times he was autocratic, but easily became the victim of any selfish adviser. When his administration was sharply criticized in 1867, he proved touchy, impatient and so unwilling to listen to criticism that he resigned as president on 29.11.1867. This elicited a half-hearted response from the volksraad and Pretorius quickly seized an opportunity of withdrawing his resignation. Although the volksraad showed increasing signs of indifference towards the president, the burghers still supported him. At the usual five-yearly election in 1869 Pretorius gained an overwhelming majority, securing more than double the number of votes gained by the other thirteen candidates.

But the writing was on the wall. Pretorius’s inability effectively to control national affairs is proved very clearly by the diamond dispute which arose in 1870. The Transvaal had, as an interested party, to deal with many intrigues which proved too much for Pretorius. On his own, moreover, he signed an act of submission wherein provision was made for arbitration on claims to the diamond-fields. In 1871 the lieutenant-governor of Natal, R.W. Keate, who was appointed the final arbiter, passed judgement against the Transvaal and, by so doing, roused a storm of opposition against Pretorius. In his absence the volksraad discussed whether he could remain president of the republic any longer. In seemingly bewildered fashion Pretorius concurred in this doubt and admitted that, because of altered circumstances ‘his capabilities were now quite inadequate’. This confession marks the temporary disappearance of Pretorius from public life (20.11.1871). He had shown himself to be a man devoted, enthusiastic and conscientious, but with too many limitations to be a statesman.

After his resignation he disappeared into the background, but after the annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 he, surprisingly quickly, returned to prominence. During the period of passive resistance he was elected chairman of the committee of Boer leaders; he was also a member of the committee that negotiated with Sir Bartle Frere at Hennops river (12.4.1879), and acted as chairman of the national assembly at Wonderfontein on 15.12.1879. For his share in these proceedings he was accused of treason by the British and imprisoned, but was almost immediately released on bail. On 13.12.1880, when the Transvaal burghers challenged Britain, and the restored government was placed in the hands of a triumvirate, Pretorius was a member of it, together with P. J. Joubert and S. J. P. Kruger. In this capacity he was a fellow signatory of the peace terms at Laingsnek, at the conclusion of the war on 21.3.1881, and also of the Pretoria convention (3.8.1881).

Although relatively young and physically strong, he retired from political life and went to live at Potchefstroom. He married the widow Hartog(t) on 26.11.1890.

During the final years of the republic’s existence he was appointed acting historian and received an annuity of £300. In a way the appointment was recognition of services rendered and his emolument was more of a pension. He, however, took his work seriously, moved temporarily to Pretoria and managed to collect a large number of valuable documents. Of these, few have been preserved for posterity; a valuable manuscript consisting of information from him was lost in A. D. W. Wolmaran’s house during the Second Anglo-Boer War, when the British occupied Pretoria, Pretorius’s personal documents were damaged by British troops on the farm of his son-in-law when, to keep him under surveillance they took the ex-president to Pretoria.

In his old age he was staying with a friend when, on a cold night in May 1901, he was aroused from sleep by suspicious British troops who, on the stoep, interrogated him for two hours in the cold. This proved too much for the constitution of this veteran of eighty-one; the next morning he said he felt ill and he died a few days later.

He is not one of South Africa’s greatest figures. Every unbiased observer will admit that many limitations made him increasingly incapable of being the head of a state under more advanced conditions. Both mentally and intellectually he was inadequately fitted to take an independent stand and for this very reason he, on the one hand, was imposed on by others, while, on the other, he offended his own people by his touchiness and alienated whole groups through impulsive and injudicious decisions. Nevertheless a place of honour has at all times to be allotted to him in the history of the Transvaal. In pioneering conditions he had an almost instinctive sense of duty and this compelled him to become a leader because he realized that there was work to be done. He never lacked patriotism and a dutiful spirit of self-sacrifice. With the limited means at his disposal he laid stronger foundations, both politically and otherwise, than any of his contemporaries.

A memorial in honour of Pretorius was erected by the state on his grave in the Potchefstroom cemetery and on 4.12.1913 this was unveiled by Gen. Louis Botha, prime minister of the Union of South Africa.

Even in old age Pretorius was an imposing figure with clear blue eyes, a well-formed head and strong features. There are quite a number of portraits of him, dating from the sixties to his more advanced years; they are, for example, to be found in the collections of the Pretoria city council, the S.P. Engelbrecht collection in the N.H. Kerk archives, Pretoria, and in the Transvaal archives, Pretoria. An oil-painting of Pretorius standing in the volksraad, which was in the Raadsaal, Pretoria, until 1900, became the possession of the Transvaal museum until, in 1964, it was returned to the Raadsaal after Jacobina van Tilburg had made a copy for the National Museum of Cultural History, Pretoria. There is a bronze bust in the possession of the city council of Pretoria. In front of the Pretoria city hall a statue (by Coert Steynberg) was unveiled in November 1955 at the time of the Pretoria centenary celebrations.

Marthinus Wessel Pretorius

Source: Dictionary of South African Biographies (Volume I)

Benjamin Osler also known as Bennie born in Aliwal North on 23rd November 1901 and died in Cape Town on 23rd April 1962, Springbok rugby player, was the son of Benjamin and Isobel Osler. Bennie’s ancestors have been traced back to Edward Osler, a prominent merchant and ship-owner, with a hint of piracy involvement.Bennie went to various schools, including the Western Province Preparatory School, Rondebosch Boys’ High School, and Kingswood College, Grahamstown. From 1921 he read law at the University of Cape Town, qualifying in 1925. During this period he represented the University on the rugby field, but from 1926 to 1930 played for Hamiltons and from 1931 to 1933 for Villagers. He acted as captain of all three clubs and on various occasions captained Western Province, which he represented from 1922 to 1933.

He gained his Springbok colours in 1924, when he played against Ronald Cove-Smith’s British team in all four test matches. Four years later (1928) he also played in all four tests against Maurice Brownlee’s New Zealand touring side, and in 1931-32 captained the Springbok team (which went to the British Isles) in all the tests of that series. He rounded off his rugby career in 1933 by playing in all five tests against the visiting Australians, acting as captain in the second test. He had scored forty-six points in the seventeen consecutive tests in which he played Osler is generally regarded as the best fly-half South Africa has produced so far (1979), a man who could dictate play. The decade during which he was a Springbok is even called the ‘Osler Era’ by sports writers, owing to his influence on the game. While he played for South Africa the country won all the test series, his province carried off the Currie Cup throughout, and each club for which he played won the Grand Challenge Cup. He had no equal as a tactical kicker and it was in particular his almost perfectly-placed corner kicks to wings which gained many tries for the Springboks. He could launch long outside kicks from any corner and as a drop-kicker he often clinched matches. Nobody was more feared by opponents than Osler.

He was also an attacking fly-half who could send his full-backs off with incredible speed when circumstances permitted or, if not, could himself shoot through an opening like lightning. Autocratic on the field, he would tolerate no passes from scrumhalfs that were above waist height; if the centres next to him blundered even once, he usually mistrusted them afterwards and would rather kick the ball – a course of action which can be regarded as one of his few weaknesses. As a captain he attached great value to tactical planning before a match, and he believed in strict team discipline.

During the Second World War (1939-45) Bennie went with the South African forces to East Africa where he contracted both malaria and amoebic dysentery which probably contributed to his relatively early death.

Unlike other great players Osler had little interest in coaching or the administration of the sport when he retired. After working as a salesman for a long time, he eventually went farming on a small scale, at first near East London and later near Bellville.

The brothers Bennie and Stanley Osler

He married Gladys Hobson and had two children. Photographs of him appear inter alia in The Bennie Osler story and Springbok saga (both infra).

Osler’s Cornish Connections

Benjamin. Falmouth born circa 1776 son of Edward and Mary (Paddy) Osler of Falmouth and husband of Jane (Sawle) Osler born 1775. father of Susannah, Stephen Sawle, Mary Anne, Amelia, Elizabeth, Sarah, Joseph, Jane, Benjamin, Phillippa and Julia. Leader of W.J. Cornish 1820 Settlers. Returned to Cornwall with wife and some members of his family 4.1822.

Stephen Sawle born in Falmouth 27th September 1804, died 21st October 1867 in Simonstown. Son of Benjamin and Jane (Sawle) Osler and husband of Catherine Osler (born Dakins, formerly Wright) of Llaway Glen, Montgomeryshire, Wales. 1802-1881. father to Benjamin, James Goodriche, Catherine and Jane; and also Christina, dtr of Orange Kleyne (Klein). Founder of the Osler family in SA.

Susannah Osler born in Falmouth circa 1800. daughter of Benjamin and Jane (Sawle) Osler married 1st John Coleman (1792-1829) of Cock’s party at Reedfountain, Eastern Cape on 17th June 1820, 2nd time to Mr Fineran from Quebec.

The small Cornish party, under the leadership of Benjamin Osler of Falmouth, Cornwall, sailed in the ‘Weymouth’, which left Portsmouth in January 1820. Having arrived in Albany so that he might supervise the first arrivals, Sir Rufane Donkin considered that a more central and accessible site should be chosen for the administration of the settlement. Ignoring the fact of Graham’s Town’s better defensible position and that it was already established as a military base, the site he chose on 9 May 1820, was just west of Thorn Ridge. This was to be the centre of the civilian administration and also the seat of magistracy. Sir Rufane declared it was to supercede Graham’s Town as the capital town of Albany, and it was to be named Bathurst in honour of Earl Bathurst, Secretary for the Colonies. In his enthusiasm Donkin allotted plots to the Earl and also his own sons and nephews, while 500 acres of Glebe were allotted for a clergyman and chaplain of the Church of England, the vacant post to be filled in due course by a suitable man. The post of administrator, however, was filled by the transfer to Albany from the Western Cape of Capt Charles Trappes.

By 9 June the Cornish party of Benjamin Osler was enroute to their location from Algoa Bay. Osler’s party, it had been decided, was to be located some 12 miles southwest of the new town of Bathurst, and halfway to the Kowie River mouth. This was in the curve of the Mansfield River, a left bank tributary to Kowie River, today known as Grove Hill. Osler named the location Pendennis in memory of the similarity the area bore to his Cornish hometown of Falmouth and its Pendennis Castle.

Pitching their tents for protection from the cold winter nights and the intermittent drizzle, the party immediately set to clearing the land so that ploughing and sowing of their first crop could be done. Soon after arrival, they were to be joined by a young man, John Coleman, 28 years of age and a gardener from Cock’s party who had sailed with them in the Weymouth. Coleman was not altogether an unexpected arrival, for he had made his intentions clear earlier and on the 17 June, he was married by the Rev William Shaw to Benjamin Osler’s eldest daughter, Susannah. Theirs were the first marriage in the whole settlement.

The proximity to Bathurst of Osler’s location at Pendennis meant that these settlers were closely concerned with the early development of that town. Lots were already being offered for sale and the Colonial Secretary had ordered erection of a prison. The building of the Bathurst Residency got under way by October. All this activity afforded employment to bricklayers, carpenters, slaters, sawyers and stone-masons, who were able to direct their energies into a rewarding field while they waited patiently for the crops to ripen. Hopes for the future were bright, but by the end of November it became apparent that ‘rust’ had affected practically all the wheat sown since their arrival and the crops were useless. With little resources to withstand such a disaster, the administration decided that the issue of rations was therefore to be continued, but they became an additional charge against the deposit money. When that had been exhausted, it was a liability for future repayment. By Christmas Day that year, the circumstances of many were desperate and prospects for the future grim.

Undaunted by these hardships and their considerably reduced circumstances, the settlers sought what work they could find. The Bathurst Residency, long delayed in its completion by the number of unfortunate disputes that had arisen, was still an avenue for employment. William Mallett, a mason with Osler’s party joined with Thomas Marham of Bethany, James’ party’s location, and together they contracted on 5 November 1821, for slating and plastering work on the Residency to the value of £16. 10. 0d.

Lots had continued to be sold at Bathurst and houses built on them, but again, as a year earlier, ‘rust’ began to appear in the wheat and by the end of the year it was apparent to all that the wheat crop had once again failed. This was now a major calamity. Though rations were continued, they were reduced to half portions. Despite what the settlers had previously received, and even for those in dire need who had no money or hope of ever redeeming what they already owed, a parsiminous administration ruled they were only to get half a pound of rice per adult per week. Meagre indeed, but to ameliorate their difficulties, the stringent pass laws restricting settlers to their locations were relaxed and many now went in search of work, not only in Albany, but further afield if they could afford to get themselves there.

Lord Charles Somerset had by now returned to the Cape from his bride hunting furlough in England, and once again took up the reins of office as Governor.

He was furious to find the number of rather illogical decisions taken by Sir Rufane were actually detrimental to the scheme as he had originally envisaged it. He thus immediately set about reversing them. Bathurst was demoted from its pre-eminent position, which consequently caused another sharp depression when the Magistracy was summarily removed to Graham’s Town and the many settlers who had invested their small capital in establishing business premises in order that they might better serve the community, now faced ruin and impoverishment as it was quite evident the town of Bathurst would stagnate. It did and many then returned their attention to trading. Fairs were permitted at Fort Willshire and to these came the native tribesmen from beyond the Colony’s borders. James Weeks was one of the Cornish settlers who took to offering the more conventional manufactures. He and others traded tobacco and cloth in exchange for hides and skins, ivory, cut wood and simple items of use that could either be sold again in Graham’s Town or taken down to Algoa Bay and bartered there for the farming implements in such short supply. But the air of depression continued, it was no good having the basis for an exchange of goods if the majority the inhabitants, both settler and tribesmen, were so impoverished that goods and hard cash were virtually an unknown commodity amongst them. Osler left his location in April 1822 to return with his wife and five younger children to Cornwall. What remained of Osler’s party slowly broke up. Headed by John Dale, it began to disintegrate further. Osler’s daughter, Susannah and her husband decided to make their home at Simonstown where they were to be joined by her brother, Stephen Sawle Osler, who had elected not to return to Cornwall. By the beginning of 1824 William Mallett had moved away to Uitenhage and matrimony was to call Joseph Richards to a date in Graham’s Town where on 23 September that year, he was married to Sarah Attwell, the seventeen year old daughter of Richard Attwell of Crause’s party. Grace Weeks had died and the end of the year saw Charles Pearse returning to England to rejoin his wife with and family who had been unable to embark with him.

The small party of Cornish settlers, comprising only eleven men and their families at the outset, was already diminished in number by nearly half, and the few that did remain on Pendennis were to become so insignificant numerically that from then on their story melds with that of the settlement itself, conversely reflecting their great adaptability and absorption into the new country.

Source:
Dictionary of South Africa Biography Vol 5.
Cornish Immigrants to South Africa by Graham Dickason.
History of South African Rugby Football (1875 – 1932) by Ivor Difford

Further reading and resources:

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~bathonia/OslerBathFrancisConnections.htm

Osler Library – http://www.mcgill.ca/osler-library/

Acknowledgements: Michael Bath

Mr. WILLIAM W. BREW, M.B.E., is a Negro of the Gold Coast of West Africa, and one of the leading men of that part. On account of brilliant work His Majesty made him a Member of the Order of the British Empire (M.B.E.).