Nthathi_Moshesh

Join SABC 2 + Ancestry24 on a voyage of discovery as we track the ancestry of some of South Africa’s most influential celebrities. Who Do You Think You Are? is a  re-run of the 12-part documentary series commencing on SABC 2 from Monday 30 November at 7:30 pm.

Be captivated as well known personalities such as Nthati Moshesh, Candice Moodley, HHP Jabulani Tsambo, Riaan Cruywagen, Meshack Mavuso and Kurt Schoonraad go in search of their family history, bringing them face to face with the hidden stories of their ancestors. These celebrities will have a pivotal role in the series; their stories will be used as “emblems” of the historical trends that have created modern South Africa and their experiences will enthuse viewers to think about and start exploring their own family ancestry.

Each episode is presented as a highly personalized film, yet the wider historical themes they reveal situates the audience in the broader South African historical context.

South Africa’s most comprehensive ancestral and genealogical service, Ancestry24, assisted producers and researchers of Who Do You Think You Are? Ancestry24’s Channel Manager Heather MacAlister spent many hours in the archives and at various other repositories to assist with the research of the individual celebrities.

Join us as we effectively travel back in time to meet the featured celebrities extended family and those that knew them, and walk where their ancestors lived and worked.

The international series format has triggered a general interest in family history and a return to libraries, museums and domestic travel as people go back to the small towns they or their families came from.

The first episode of this groundbreaking series features actress Nthati Moshesh. Nthati Moshesh is adored by her film and television fans throughout the country and beyond our borders. Nthati is best known for her leading roles in the drama series Home Affairs and the soapie 7de Laan.

Nthathi also happens to be the great, great grand-daughter of King Moshoeshoe, the first king of Basotho.

Nthati crosses the border into Lesotho to speak to historians and family members, and travels to understand her ancestry. Will she decide to change her name back to Moshoeshoe or will she remain Moshesh? But why is her surname now different? What happened along the annals of history?

There’s only one way to find out. Be sure to tune into SABC 2 at 7:30 on Mondays, 30 December for the first episode of Who Do You Think You Are?

To find out more about your own ancestry go to ancestry24.com or vist www.sabc2.co.za for more information.

Please see below for full broadcast schedule:

30 November 2009 – Nthati Moshesh

07 December 2009 – Riaan Cruywagen

14 December 2009 – Meshack Mavuso

21 December 2009 – Candice Moodley

28 December 2009 – HHp/Jabulani Tsambo

05 January 2010 – Kurt Schoonraad

Acknowledgements SABC 2

Daar het oor die afgelope twee dekades ‘n hernieude belangstelling in die vroeë Kaapse samelewing – asook sy kriminele verlede – ontstaan. Anders as in die verlede, waar die blanke tradisioneel die fokuspunt van die geskiedskrywing was, het daar sedertdien verskeie artikels en selfstandige werke die lig gesien waarin die “ander” groepe aan die Kaap die fokuspunt geword het, veral die slawe en die Khoisan. Publikasies het uit die pen van plaaslike en buitelandse historici verskyn en was gegrond op deeglike argivale navorsing.1 Terselfdertyd het die “radikale” geskiedskrywing in Suid-Afrika inslag gevind en het sommige historici die agtiende eeu  in terme van ‘n klassestryd tussen bevoorregte Europeërs en onderdrukte, nie-Europeërs geïnterpreteer. Die verskynsel van slawerny het onder die vergrootglas gekom en die tradisionele beskouing – dat die Kaap ‘n “verligte” vorm van slawerny beleef het – is as ‘n mite afgemaak; slawerny kan volgens hierdie sienswyse nooit as verlig beskou word nie.2

Reg en Onreg

‘n Gebrek aan bronne wat gegewens oor nie-Europeërs verskaf, het die historikus, wat reg wou laat geskied aan die “ander” groepe, ernstig gedwarsboom. Die historikus was grootliks op die reisbeskrywings van vroeë reisigers aangewese. Robert Ross het egter twee belangrike reekse dokumente – wat vroeër deur die “tradisionele” historici gebruik was 3 – as ‘t ware “herontdek”; die opgaafrolle (belastingrolle) en hofrekords. In sy Cape of Torments, wat oor die lewe van die slawe aan die Kaap handel, het hy grootliks van hofrekords gebruik gemaak om die lewe van die slawe te rekonstrueer.

Hofsake is een van die belangrike bronne van inligting waaruit die daaglikse lewe van die agtiende eeuse inwoners van die Kaap herkonstrueer kan word.  Dit geld veral vir die slawe.  Gegewens oor burgers en koloniste word in kerkraadnotules, doop-  en trourekords, testamente en talle ander siviele rekords, insluitende belastingrolle (opgaafrolle), aangetref.  Vir alle praktiese doeleindes kom daar min of geen gegewens oor slawe in hierdie belangrike  reekse dokumente voor nie en werp hofrekords, op ‘n toevallige wyse, meer lig oor die lewensomstandighede van hierdie talryke groep Kaapse inwoners.

Hofrekords, hetsy siviele of kriminele rekords, weerspieël nie  die daaglikse omstandighede van die deursnee-mens nie – dit is die minderheid van enige bevolking wat met die gereg bots.4 Aan die ander kant weerspieël hofrekords in enige gegewe samelewing ook nie die werklike omvang van misdaad binne ‘n groep nie omdat alle oortreders nie opgespoor kan word nie of die misdaad nie gerapporteer was nie. Laasgenoemde was waarskynlik gedurende die agtiende eeu ‘n algemene verskynsel omdat die gebied yl bewoon was en die enkele drosdye honderde kilometers van mekaar verwyder was.

Die Kaapse hofrekords bied uiteraard ‘n negatiewe beeld van die vroeë samelewing en het betrekking op burgers, Khoikhoi, San, Khoisan, slawe, Chinese en vryswartes. Verteenwoordigers van alle groepe wat hulle binne die Verenigde Oos-Indiese Kompanjie (VOC) se invloedsfeer bevind het, het in die hof op kriminele oortredings tereggestaan en is skuldig bevind aan ‘n wye verskeidenheid van misdade. Die Xhosas en ander verwante groepe wat hulle buite hierdie sfeer bevind het, het nie voor die Raad van Justisie in Kaapstad verskyn nie. Dit beteken natuurlik nie dat daar nie misdade gepleeg was nie; die verslag van Adriaan van Jaarsveld getuig van misdade wat weens die afwesigheid van ‘n effektiewe administratiewe mag in ‘n oop grensgebied, deur beide grensboere en Xhosas gepleeg was.5

Die Raad van Justisie was die regsprekende instansie aan die Kaap.  Aanvanklik was die goewerneur die voorsitter, maar vanaf 1734 was dit die secunde6 – die goewerneur se tweede-in-bevel.  ‘n Belangrike persoon in hierdie Raad was die fiskaal wat as aanklaer, en aanvanklik ook as sekretaris opgetree het.  Ander persone betrokke by die Raad van Justisie was die geweldiger (beul), die geregsbode7 en vanaf 1658 twee burgerrade – laasgenoemdes het uit die burgerstand gekom en het sitting gehad indien ‘n burger voor die hof verskyn het.  Na 1783 het die Raad bestaan uit ‘n president, ‘n lid van die Politieke Raad, ses Kompanjieamptenare en ses burgerrade.8

Indien slawe of Khoikhoi voor die hof verskyn het, was daar geen persone uit hulle stand om hulle te verteenwoordig nie.  Hulle kon alleen hoop dat die regbank ‘n onpartydige oordeel oor hulle sou vel.  Die feit dat die fiskaal ‘n eed afgelê het waarin hy “sonder ooghluijkinge haar off gunst van ijemandt”9 sou optree, was nie altyd ‘n troos vir ‘n slaaf nie.  Die slawe was immers ‘n groep wat wetlik van feitlik alle regte en voorregte verstoke was.

Met die lees van die hofsake in die agtiende eeu word die leser bewus van die harde en soms grusame vonnisse wat misdadigers opgelê was.  ‘n Skrywer, wat goed bekend is met die agtiende eeuse hofsake, het dit dan ook “die beoefening van wetlike terreur” genoem.10

Hierdie uitspraak is egter oordrewe.  Die strafreg wat in die sewentiende en agtiende eeue in Nederland gegeld het, kan nie as wetlike terreur bestempel word nie.  Die strawwe wat in Nederland gegeld het was nie erger of meer boosaardig as strawwe wat in Engeland of Duitsland toegepas was nie.  Om die Kaapse regstelsel as “wetlike terreur” te beskryf, is om die gehele destydse Westerse regstelsel van dieselfde verskynsel te beskuldig.  Dit getuig van ‘n gebrek aan insig in die tydsgees van die sewentiende en agtiende eeue.

Die doel van hierdie studie is juis om die tydsgees van die agtiende eeu te belig deur uit hofsake aan te haal.

Die hofsake weerspieël deur hulle inhoud dikwels die lot en lotgevalle van mense wat andersinds nooit in dokumente figureer nie.  In hierdie opsig het die hofsake waarde vir die kultuurhistorikus.11 Ook die genealoog het belang hy hierdie hofsake deurdat die sterfdatums van vermoorde burgerlikes aangegee word asook inligting oor “voorzoons” en “voordogters” wat nie altyd in bestaande genealogiese werke verskyn nie.12 Dit verklaar ook die “afwesigheid” van sekere individue in die openbare lewe omdat hulle vonnisse op Robbeneiland uitgedien het!  Ook regstudente en kriminoloë kan baat vind by die hofuitsprake wat aangehaal word.

Die hofstukke wat in die Kaapse Argiefbewaarplek gehuisves word is besonder omvangryk, soos ook die dokumente wat in die Rijksarchief (RA) in Den Haag, Nederland, geberg word.13 Die Instituut vir Historiese Navorsing aan die Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland beskik ook oor mikrofilm wat die Kompanjiestydperk volledig dek.

Die hofstukke omvat kladnotules, notules, die eise van die aanklaer (fiskaal), ondervraging van beskuldigdes en getuies, beëdigde verklarings en die hofuitsprake. Die inhoud dek beide siviele en kriminele sake.

In die lig van die massiewe volume van materiaal is daar in hierdie werke slegs na kriminele rekords gekyk.  Maar die kriminele rekords is so omvangryk dat daar slegs op hofuitsprake gekonsentreer is, – die argiefgroep Sentenciën.

Hierdie enge begrensing het bepaalde nadele: Dit handel alleen oor persone wat deur die Raad van Justisie aan die Kaap skuldig bevind was aan ‘n kriminele oortreding en sluit diegene uit wat in die binneland op minder ernstige kriminele oortredings deur die landdroste skuldig bevind was. Dit sluit ook uit die beëdigde verklarings en ondervraging van getuies wat voor die hof verskyn het.

Die voordeel van die Sentenciën-reeks  is dat dit ‘n kort (maar soms ook lywige) samevatting gee van die gebeure wat tot die pleeg van ‘n misdaad gelei het, soms kommentaar gee oor die rede vir ‘n bepaalde straf of waarom sekere faktore ‘n swaarder vonnis geregverdig het.

Ter wille van diegene wat meer van ‘n bepaalde persoon, misdaad of straf te wete wil kom, is ‘n addendum aangeheg waarin veroordeeldes se name in alfabetiese volgorde geplaas word14 en waarin die relevante bronverwysing verstrek word.  Vir praktiese doeleindes verskyn “blankes”/Europeërs en slawe en Khoikhoi se name in twee aparte lyste – die wat gewone “Europese” vanne het in die een lys en die wat slegs voorname het en verder geïdentifiseer word deur hulle plek van herkoms en eienaar. Sommige vryswartes en vrygeborenes met “Europese” name en vanne is by die lys van “blankes” ingedeel.

Indien ‘n detail-studie van ‘n bepaalde saak gemaak word, sal al die relevante stukke geraadpleeg moet word en is die Sentenciën alleen nie voldoende nie.  Die addendum kan in so ‘n geval as vindmiddel gebruik word en kan die datum die aanduiding gee van waar die saak in die ander reekse voorkom.

‘n Verdere nadeel van die Sentenciën is dat nie alle strawwe wat aan die Kaap opgelê was,in die reeks vermeld word nie. So is daar in die loop van hierdie  studie verskeie persone gevind wat lank op Robbeneiland aangehou was sonder dat hulle in die Sentenciën figureer.15 So kom Hendrik Bibault, wat op Stellenbosch gevonnis was en in die Kaap gestraf was, se naam nie in die Sentenciën voor nie.  Ook kon ‘n persoon vir ‘n ligter oortreding by ‘n drosdy in die binneland gevonnis gewees het en sal die betrokke saak dus nie in die Sentenciën figureer nie.

Nadele ten spyt, bly die Sentenciën ‘n waardevolle reeks dokumente wat die agtiende eeuse samelewing belig, onder andere ook die ongelyke verhoudings van ryk – arm16 ; eienaar – slaaf; offisier – soldaat; veebesitter – veelose, almal verhoudings wat die kiem van potensiële konflik in hulle gedra het. Maar verder ook die konflik en emosie tussen man en vrou asook die redelose gedrag van besope soldate, matrose, burgers, slawe, Khoikhoi en knegte.

Ross, wat sy gepubliseerde studie oor misdaad tot slawe beperk het, meld dat ‘n historikus geneig mag wees om die (wan-) gedrag van slawe in terme van ‘n klassestryd te sien.  Hyself het egter verkies om ‘n beskrywende eerder as analitiese metode te volg.17

Aangesien hierdie studie nie net oor die misdaad van slawe handel nie, maar oor alle inwoners wat in die Sentenciën vermeld word, sou ‘n klassestryd-analise nie hier as vertrekpunt geneem kon word nie.  Wat wel gedoen is, is om die tipe misdade te ontleed, te sistematiseer en agtergrond-gegewens te gee oor waarom sekere strawwe opgelê was.

‘n Verdere doel van hierdie studie was om idees en uitsprake in bestaande literatuur te toets.  ‘n Voorbeeld hiervan is die stelling dat ‘n slaaf wat aan die misdaad van diefstal skuldig bevind was heel waarskynlik gehang sou word.18 Nog ‘n stelling in hierdie trant is dat slawe aan die Kaap aan gewettigde geweld blootgestel was.19

Om bogenoemde rede is soveel as moontlik hofsake in hierdie studie opgeneem om die reg en die onreg binne die Kaapse strafregstelsel aan te toon.  Feit is dat uitsprake gegee was wat in ooreenstemming met die heersende tradisionele Nederlandse strafreg was.20

Uit die aangehaalde bronne blyk dit dat persone uit al die verskillende kultuurgroepe aan die Kaap nie swaarder gestraf was as wat die algemene riglyne voorgeskryf het nie.  Wat wel waar is, is dat sommige ligter gestraf was as ander en dat dit blyk of sommige blankes soms ligter gestraf was weens die status wat hulle in die gemeenskap beklee het.21 Ook blyk dit uit sommige sake dat sommige (blanke) individue nie vervolg of aangekla was nie al was hulle ten minste medepligtig aan die beplanning van ‘n moord.  Om hierdie rede, asook omdat weinig persone met ‘n belangstelling in regsgeskiedenis die 18de eeuse skrif in die oorspronklike dokumente kan lees, word ‘n volledige afskrif van die vonnis van Tryntje van Madagaskar as bylae aangeheg.22 Op hierdie wyse word die leser ook bekend gestel aan ‘n tipiese dokument uit die Sentenciën-reeks wat die basis van hierdie studie vorm.

Indien hierdie studie as stimulus dien vir die vra van nuwe vrae aan die verlede, of nuwe navorsing oor sosiale- of regsgeskiedenis uit die agtiende eeu tot gevolg het, het dit aan sy doel beantwoord.

Transvalianos

Buy the book

I PUBLISH this little book in tender and honoured memory of my husband, who helped me to write it. It makes no claim to literary merit. Its aim is merely to describe in familiar terms the daily life of the quaintest and most isolated community in the British Empire. At Tristan da Cunha even the ordinary happenings of everyday life seem to take on a glow of romance, and commonplace folk come to fill conspicuous places in our interest which in a larger setting are denied to them. On this account I have taken the liberty of introducing most of the islanders to my readers by name, and I have done this in the hope that they will feel a more intimate and personal interest in them as my narrative proceeds.

I offer my grateful acknowledgments to Mr. Douglas M. Gane, who is behind the present movement for helping the island, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, its oldest friend, for their endeavours throughout to ease our task and render its accomplishment within our reach. And I also thank all those kind friends, at home and abroad, interested in the island, who, in diverse ways, gave us their assistance and support.

Furthermore, I thank Mr. Gane for his contributions to the book, and I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Messrs. George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., for undertaking the publication of it, and for so kindly making it their contribution to what they are good enough to call “a very worthy cause.”

I am under obligation, too, for permission to use photographs—the work of Captain G. H. Wilkins—forming part of the Quest collection, and for others taken by officers of H.M.S. Dublin and the Ramon da Larrinaga on their visits to the island and the visitors who accompanied the Dublin. Unfortunately my own camera broke down soon after my arrival.

For the description of the new bird given in one of the Appendices I am indebted to Dr. Percy Lowe, of the Natural History Museum, and I offer him thanks for his valuable service in this connection. My thanks are also due to the Editor of the Illustrated London News for allowing me to reproduce from that paper Mr. G. E. Lodge’s drawing, in which he so ably reconstructs the bird.

t is often said that South Africa-although part of the great mass of Africa north of it-is irredeemably tied to European thought and civilization.

This book is an attempt to investigate the historical validity of this claim in the very small field of heraldic and kindred symbols.

Many of these symbols were born out of struggle, and because-among us-the past is often still alive, they have lost little of their capacity to evoke violent sentiments.

Being born in a country closely associated with the history of South Africa, the writer sometimes experienced similar feelings. He hopes that this has not prevented him from presenting an objective picture of past events. In cases where one feels inclined to think that he has failed, one may perhaps remember that the truth sometimes has more aspects than one.

C. PAMA

Summer 1965

Amstelhof, Riverside Road Newlands, Cape

Lions and Virgins

Great Boer

Milnerton

It is a difficult matter to realise what a voyage must have been two hundred years ago when we think of our large modern liners plying between Europe and South Africa.

Today the distance is covered within seventeen days, then it took anywhere from four to six months; today the food is kept in ice chambers, then the meat had to be salted and cured. The ships then were small, and living and sleeping space was limited; some of the vessels were no longer than one hundred and fifteen feet. Not only were the people faced by the danger of tempestuous seas, stranding or fire, but they also ran the risk of capture by pirates or a foreign enemy.

French Refugees

Death was of frequent occurrence during the voyage, and the means for combating it limited. The want of fresh food, vegetables and a limited allowance of water caused scurvy. This played havoc with a great number, and it often ended fatally. Water was a precious thing on board, and every precaution was taken to preserve it. To eke out the fresh water as long as possible, the meat and salt pork were cooked in the salt water and thus consumed by those on board. Water was given out on short allowance, but one or two glasses of wine were distributed to make up for it.

Poor people, what agonies they must have suffered sometimes, especially when passing through the tropics! Such, however, were the risks and discomforts which the French Refugees who ventured to leave their country had to run before they found an asylum in the southern hemisphere.

The ships of the Dutch East India Company that brought out the first batches of Refugees were the Voorschooten, Borssenburg, Oosterlandt, Berg China, Schelde, Zuid Beveland, and ‘t Wapen van Alkmaar. The Voorschooten was the first ship to leave Holland, and sailed on the 31st December, 1687. On the 13th April following she was obliged to drop her anchors in Saldanha Bay on account of a strong south-east wind, although her destination was Table Bay.’ Her officers considered it necessary to remain in the bay to effect some repairs. When the Commander at the Castle was informed of her arrival, he despatched the cutter Jupiter from Table Bay with fresh provisions. On her return she brought the Refugees safely to the Cape.

The Voorschooten was a flute of one hundred and thirty feet (Dutch) long. Twenty-two French emigrants were on board. Amongst them were Charles Marais of Plessis, his wife and four children, Philippe Fouché with wife and three children, also eight young bachelors, amongst whom were the brothers Jean and Gabriel le Roux of Blois, and Gideon Malherbe. Jacques Pinard and his wife Esther Fouché had been married previous to the sailing of the Voorschooten from Holland.

The Oosterlandt left Middelburg on the 29th January. 1688, and reached Table Bay on the 26th April, 1688, after a most successful voyage of two months and ten days. She was a much larger built ship than the Voorschooten, measuring one hundred and sixty feet. She brought out twenty-four Refugees. One of then was Jacques de Savoye of Aeth, a wealthy merchant. Jean Prier du Plessis of Poitiers, who had practised as a surgeon, and Isaac Taillefert of Chateau Thierry, a hat-maker, were also on board; they all brought out their wives and children.

Another of the boats to have a most successful voyage was the flute Borssenburg, which left Texel on the 6th January, 1688. She was the smallest of the ships, as she was only one hundred and fifteen feet in length. She cast anchor in the Bay on May 12th, having suffered no deaths amongst the passengers or crew during the voyage, and landed all those on board in a healthy condition at the Cape. Among her passengers was a party of “French Piedmontese fugitives.” The list of names is wanting. I have been unable to trace any particular individual who came out in her.

A most exciting voyage was experienced by the Schelde, a boat of one hundred and forty feet long. She brought out twenty-three French Refugees, men, women and children. Seven or eight days out at sea a terrible storm sprang up, and the skipper was compelled to put into St. Jago. On her arrival at Porto Pravo, he was told that on the previous day an English pirate ship had captured three ships belonging to the English, Portuguese and Dutch respectively. She sailed away almost immediately, and when five days from the Cape ran into another storm. On board were several members of the des Pres family.

On the 4th August, 1688, there arrived in Table Bay the Berg China, which had lett Rotterdam on the 20th March previously. The Berg China was of the same dimensions as the Oosterlandt. There were thirty-four French fugitives on board when she set sail, but the greater portion of the thirty who died on the voyage were Refugees.

When the Zuid Beveland, a vessel as big as the Voorschooten, sailed from Holland on the 22nd April, 1688, she had on board twenty-five Refugees, eleven men, four women and ten children. Amongst them was an important person whose arrival had been eagerly looked forward to by those who had come earlier to the Cape shores. This person was the Revd. Pierre Simond of Embrun in Dauphine, lately minister at Zirikzee. He was to play an active part in the early history of the French community at Drakenstein. Reverend Simond, whose name has been perpetuated today in the Drakenstein Valley by the place Simondium, was accompanied by his wife, Anne de Berault. Amongst the soldiers on board belonging to the Dutch East India Company was Sergeant Louis de Berault, brother of the minister’s wife. In October, 1688, Sergeant de Berault accompanied an expedition to Rio de la Goa to search for some wrecked seamen of the ship Stavinisse. He afterwards settled down as a burgher.

After a run of nearly four months the Zuid Beveland dropped anchor in Table Bay on the 19th August, but it was too late that day for anyone to come ashore. Between eight and nine o’clock next morning the first boat shoved off for land, but a squall of wind suddenly sprang up and upset the boat. Soon everyone was floundering in the sea. Several of the occupants were drowned, including Mr. Cornelis Moerkerke, who was on his way to Malacca to take up his appointment as Fiscal. Both the Schelde and Zuid Beveland lost a number of the French Refugees by death during the voyage. The lists of Refugees who came out in these two vessels are not to be found in the Archives at the Cape nor in Holland. From other documents, however, the names of some are found mentioned as having arrived with her. For instance, the Schelde brought out Charles Prévot, wife and three children, Hercules des Pres with wife and four children, and Abraham Bleuset, which makes a total of twelve out of the twenty-three who embarked.

In the Zuid Beveland came Rev. Simond and his wife, Jean le Long, wife and two children, Estienne Viret, Salomon de Gournay and David Senecal, eight souls out of the number of twenty-five known to have embarked. From the number of Refugees who had sailed by the 1st April, 1688, it is seen that more men than women came out. After the Zuid Beveland had left, sixty-seven men, thirty-three women and fifty-one children had embarked in the various boats, but, as we find upon comparing the lists of those we know set sail and those who landed here, several of them died on the voyage or shortly after their arrival.

About forty Refugees set sail from Texel on the 27th July, 1688, on board ‘t Wapen van Alkmaar, commanded by Captain Carel Goske, and arrived six months after, i.e., the 27th January, 1689. They lost thirty-seven persons by death and brought one hundred and four sick ones, the latter being placed immediately in the Company’s hospital at Cape Town. The French emigrants were sent into the country to their new homes on the 1st February, after they had been given all the necessaries to carry on their agricultural pursuits. The only name I have been able to trace of those who sailed in the Alkmaar is that of Antonie Martin.

About one thousand souls represented by two hundred families, Piedmontese and Vaudois refugees, had taken refuge in Nuremberg. Their number included agriculturists, experienced tradesmen, and four ministers; they all expressed a wish to go to any of the Colonies of the Dutch East or Dutch West India Companies, but on condition that they be allowed to settle close to each other and exercise their own religion. Commissioners, appointed by the Chamber of Seventeen, enquired into the matter, and meanwhile the French and Vaudois fugitives presented a petition asking that certain other conditions be allowed. The petitioners had deputed Jean Pastre Marchand as their spokesmen, who stated that he had been requested by the Refugees at Erlagh and the Vaudois near Nuremberg to plead their cause.

A kindly and compassionate view was taken of the matter by the Seventeen, who decided to settle these people at the Cape of Good Hope, and provide them with free passages and money, and to supply them with building materials on credit. They were to be given provisions and treated on the same footing as the Dutch emigrants. It was thought that after the aged, lame and sick persons had been deducted, there would be between six and seven hundred souls who would be prepared to emigrate.

Arrangements were made for sending out two or three hundred Waldenses or Vaudoisen in the Company’s ship the Schielandt, but afterwards in ‘t Wapen van Alkmaar. Everything was in readiness, but the emigrants declined to go, and the Seventeen wrote to the Cape that “these people, being averse to the sea and long voyage, had changed their minds and settled in Germany, and that forty French Refugees bred to agriculture were being sent out in ‘t Wapen van Alkmaar.”

The above ships brought out the greater portion of the French emigrés to the Cape between 1688 and 1700, and after the former date we find them arriving in small batches. The other ships which brought some of them out were the Zion, Vosmaar, Westhoven, Donkervliet and Driebergen. In the Zion, which left Holland on the 8th January, 1689, and arrived on the 6th May following, came three brothers, Pierre, Abraham and Jacob de Villiers. Writing to the Cape on the 16th December, 1688, the Chamber at Delft said of them: “With this ship (the Zion) we have again permitted the following French Refugees to sail to the Cape and earn their living as freemen, Pierre de Villiers, Abraham de Villiers and Jacob de Villiers, all three brothers born near la Rochelle. We are informed that these persons have a good knowledge of laying out vineyards and managing the same, and thus we hope that the Company will acquire their good service. You are recommended to give them a helping hand.”

Today the name of de Villiers is to be found throughout the sub-continent, and descendants of Pierre de Villiers have given us some of the cleverest men in the legal profession, one of whom was the late Baron de Villiers of Wynberg, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Union of South Africa.

A sad fate overtook the ten men and women Refugees who sailed from Holland in April, 1616, in the Vosmaar. The voyage had been most disastrous. When she arrived in October she had lost ninety-three persons by death, five of whom were of the French emigrants. Of the remainder of two hundred and thirty-six persons who were mostly sick and in a weak condition, only four were left in a good state of health. The Middelburg Chamber wrote to van der Stel that at the request of these French Refugees they had been given permission to proceed to the Cape, and that the Company in granting this did so with the object of populating the Colony. The Directors expressed the hope that they would not be a trouble to the Colony, but that each one would be able to maintain himself honestly by his trade or handicraft. To enable them to do so they were to be given as much help as the orders of the Seventeen required.

Of the five survivors who arrived in the Vosmaar the only name to be found is that of Jacques Bisseux of Picardy, who became a baker.

The Donkervliet and Westhoven both came out in 1699 and arrived on the 20th July and 16th June respectively.4 On the 25th May 1698, the Driebergen, in command of Captain Martin de Jeugd, destined for Batavia, left Holland. On board were five French refugees who, upon their arrival at the Cape on the 3rd September, 1698, settled at Drakenstein as agriculturists. When north of the Canary Islands the Driebergen encountered a pirate vessel, which she took to be Turkish although the boat flew an English flag, and after Captain de Jeugd had warned her to keep off he fired a broadside and shattered her sails. She left the pirate without Damage. A despatch, dated 7th May, 1698, from the Chamber at Delft mentioned the names of the five fugitives sent out with the Driebergen:

Louwys de Ryck alais Louis le Riche, Pieter Cronier alias Pierre Crosnier, Stephen Cronier alias Estienne Cronier, Jean van het tichelje alias Jean du Tuillet, Philip van Renan alias Philippe Drouin.

When the newcomers landed everything had been arranged to receive and convey them to their new homes along the Berg River in the Drakenstein Valley. In 1687 this beautiful and fertile valley had been named by Commander Simon van der Stel after one of the family seats in Holland of the High Commissioner, Hendrik Adriaan van Reede, Lord of Mydrecht, who had come out to the Cape in 1685 to inspect the Company’s affairs. In the same year twenty-three farms along the Berg River were marked out, each measuring 60 morgen in extent, and given to a like number of agriculturists.’ Six wagons were supplied by the Burgher Councillors of the Cape and six by the Heemraden of Stellenbosch, to transfer the new arrivals and their baggage to Drakenstein. The Company supplied provisions which would last them for a few months, and planks to build temporary shelters.

When the farms were allotted care was taken to scatter the French among the Dutch farmers already settled there and those arriving at the same time. Some were given ground in the Stellenbosch district, but the greater number were at Drakenstein and French Hoek. This intermingling of the Dutch and French caused dissatisfaction among the latter. The Landdrost and Heemraden of Stellenbosch were requested to receive the Reverend Simond with the respect and reverence which his office and position demanded, and to assist him, as much as lay in their power, in erecting a house for himself. Upon his arrival he was conveyed to his destination in comfort and ease.

The majority of the Refugees to the Cape possessed little or nothing when they landed. Many had escaped with only their lives. They erected shelters which could be put up rapidly, and did not waste time upon buildings of an elaborate nature. It is reasonable to suppose that the first structures which they built were of a primitive nature, and none would have been of the class so general during the eighteenth century.

What pioneer in a strange land has ever built his first house with all the comforts and architectural beauty in which he indulges when he has made headway and reaped the good results of his work?

We must look back upon the time, two centuries ago, and imagine these Refugees arriving in a beautiful, extensive and wooded valley, where wild animals such as lions and tigers made their lair, where Hottentots in their wild state roamed about ready to plunder the homestead. Under such conditions and with little money or material, only simple and small dwellings would have been erected. Later on, however, when the Colony expanded and the emigrants saw the good fruits of their labours, they built themselves better houses with many lofty and spacious rooms.

Not long after their coming a subscription list was sent round on their behalf among the older settlers of the Colony and Company’s servants. This was readily responded to by contributions of money, cattle and grain. The fund was given to Reverend Simond and the deacons of the Stellenbosch church for distribution. The records in referring to this collection say that it did the older colonists credit and was most acceptable to the Refugees.

Two years later pecuniary assistance from quite a different source was given to the Huguenots. On the 22nd April, 1689, Commander van der Stel wrote to the Batavian Government and complained of the extreme poverty of the French Refugees, who, he said, would not be able to enjoy the fruits of their work for three or four years to come; they were being supported by the Company and from such means as were available from the poor fund. The settlers had no easy task in preparing their land for cultivation. The ground, which had never been tilled since the world began, was overgrown with bush and roots, and it would take several years to produce some return. Their life at first was full of trials; tools and implements had to be obtained from the Company, to whom they became debtors. He asked that a collection might be made for these poor people; this would relieve the Company of supporting them. The petition was not in vain. Although a collection was not made, a bill of exchange for 6,000 rixdollars, or £1,250, was immediately sent over. This bill was drawn on the Cape Government in favour of the Reverend Pierre Simond, the pastor of the French congregation at Drakenstein.

The money had been in the Batavian Treasury for many years, and represented the poor fund of a church at Formosa, one of the Dutch possessions which had been seized by the Chinese pirate Coxinga, who had compelled the Dutch to evacuate it. This money was taken away and placed in the treasury at Batavia. On the 18th and 19th April, 1690, the Cape Government distributed the amount amongst the French community, who were greatly pleased with a present so welcome in their dire distress.’ Another surprise was in store for them the next day; they received from the Commander, through the Landdrost of Stellenbosch, a present of oxen. They returned to their homes highly pleased, alter having thanked the Commander for his kindly feeling and thought for them.

Article: Extracted from: “The French Refugees at the Cape” – C Graham Botha

The Publishers of “THE EMIGRANTS’ GUIDE TO SOUTH AFRICA” have had in view the supply of a want which has been felt for some time, as is certain to be increasingly felt as Emigration to South Africa is developed. Among the many admirable books on South Africa already published, there is not one which is specially adapted to meet the case of the Artizan or Agricultural Emigrant Settler.

It is believed that ” EMIGRANTS’ GUIDE” will be found to supply this deficiency. The larger potion of the book is compiled from papers specially written by Mr. Wilmot, of Port Elizabeth, for, and published in the Home edition of, “THE SOUTH AFRICAN MAIL” for 1878.

Valuable information obtained from ” The Cape Directory” for 1879 ; Silver and Co’s “Handbook to Southern Africa;” Granville’s “Guide to Southern Africa;” “Descriptive Handbook of the Cape Colony;” by John Noble Clerk to the House of Assembly, Cape Town; and other sources, has been incorporated.

17 Blomfield Street, London, E.C.

January, 1880

The Emmigrants Guide to South Africa

Hierdie geslagsregister van die familie De Villiers, afstammelinge van die drie Hugenote-broers Pierre, Abraham en Jacob, het ‘n lang en interessante geskiedenis. Die geskiedenis begin met die werk van die twee genealoë uit ons familie: Christoffel C. en dr. Con – die twee De Villiers’s aan wie hierdie publikasie opgedra is. Christoffel se registers met die titel Geslachtregister der oude Kaapsche Familiën is die beginpunt van alle genealogiese navorsing in Suid-Afrika; terwyl dr. Con se nalatenskap aan die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseum, Franschhoek, die direkte aanleiding tot hierdie publikasie was. Daaroor kan u meer lees in die Inleiding.

Dr. Con het natuurlik ook baie stof bygedra tot die ander publikasie oor die familie wat in 1960 deur Nasionale Boekhandel Bpk. uitgegee is, te wete A History of the De Villiers Family. Die skrywer was D.P. (Dan) de Villiers, ‘n Bloemfonteinse mediese praktisyn. In die huidige uitgawe verwys prof. Kay de Villiers, in sy artikel oor die herkoms van die familie, na sekere uitsprake van dr. Dan sonder om dit noodwendig te aanvaar. Die De Villiers’s se deugde word ook in hierdie geslagsregister nie so hoog aangeslaan soos in dr. Dan se boek nie!

Die toewyding waarmee die personeel van die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseum, en spesifiek ons outeurs Juna Malherbe en Alet Malan, dr. Con se testamentêre wense uitgevoer het, is manjifiek (en daarmee slaan ek hulle nie te hoog aan nie). Hulle deeglikheid, volledigheid en volharding is nie net ‘n voorbeeld vir alle genealogiese navorsers nie, maar verdien tot in lengte van dae die waardering en dankbaarheid van alle afstammelinge van ons drie De Villiers-voorvaders.

The De Villiers Family Vol 1 + 2